she declined the invidious task of discriminating whom she should and whom she should not first visit. If, in observing this rule, she has deviated from the practice of some other ladies, in situations similar to her own, she has conformed to that which she constantly observed when she was herself the wife of a Senator at the seat of government. She then always called upon the ladies of the heads of departments when she came to Washington, and always understood it to be the common practice. She lays no claim, however, to the same attention from any other lady; and, having no pretension to visits of etiquette herself, thinks herself amenable to none from others. She has invited to her house, without waiting for formal visits, every lady of a member of Congress, to whom she had not reason to believe such an invitation would be unwelcome; and, while feeling it as a favor from those who have accepted her invitations, she has only regretted the more rigorous etiquette of those who have declined, inasmuch as it bereft her of the happiness which she would have derived from a more successful cultivation of their acquaintance. She would regret, still more, the error which should, in any instance, attribute her conduct to a pretension of any kind on her part, or to disregard of what is due from her to others.

"I have thought this candid explanation of the motives of my conduct, particularly due to those members of the Senate who, it has been intimated to me, have thought that there was something exceptionable in it. I submit it to your indulgence, and to their candor. with the sincere and earnest assurance of my perfect respect for yourself and for them.

"JOHN QUINCY ADAMS."

CHAPTER X.

ENGLAND AND SPAIN-MR. ADAMS'S WONDERFUL FEAT

GENERAL JACKSON AND THE COUNTRY SAVED—
FLORIDA OURS-WHAT OF THE WORK?

N times of peace, especially, the most weighty af

IN

fairs of the Government have usually fallen under the Department of State, and particularly was this the case during Mr. Monroe's Administration. The relations between this country and Spain were at the time not of the most amicable character. The incursions made into Florida during the Creek and British War, and the necessity claimed by the United States for taking and holding Amelia Island, on the Atlantic shore, were not satisfactory to Spain. Her temper was further disturbed by the sympathy of this country toward her American Colonies, then struggling for independence.

In the winter of 1817, England considering a war between the two countries probable, offered her services as a mediator. It was, however, unanimously decided in the Cabinet that this offer should not be accepted, the greatest difficulty in the case being as to the mode of notifying the British Government of the fact. Here Mr. Adams's superior diplomatic skill became at once apparent, and gained for him, if it never had before, even the respect of Mr. Crawford. His suggestion, as to the answer to be made, was adopted

without a word, as fortunate in the extreme, and he was desired to draw up the form.

In the spring of 1818, Mr. Monroe was led to believe that Spain was then disposed to sell Florida to this Government, and Mr. Adams was soon engaged in his long and difficult negotiations with the Spanish Minister, resident at Washington. In the meantime, the interested nations were startled by the news of General Jackson's wicked and lawless depredations upon the territory in negotiation. His murder of the two Indian chiefs, old Hillis Hajo and Himollemico, was followed by the sham trial and unceremonious execution of two respectable British subjects, Alexander Arbuthnot and Robert C. Ambrister. He had also taken possession of the principal Spanish posts, and sent their civil and military officers to Havana. The Spanish Government immediately, through its representative in Washington City, Don Onis, demanded the punishment of the perpetrator of these outrages, and the restoration of the former state of things in Florida, and notified our Government that further negotiations as to the cession of Florida, until these just demands were complied with, must stop.

England was also shocked, a warlike temper was generally displayed in that country, and Lord Castlereagh said that the merest signal from the Ministry would have made a declaration of war against the United States inevitable. And who was to appease Great Britain, and avert all the calamities threatening the country from the reckless and unheard-of conduct of General Andrew Jackson? Here was another crisis. The United States was the defendant, and the case required an advocate as daring and ready as the author

It was

of the mischief. Mr. Clay was not the man. his temper at that time to find fault with Mr. Monroe's Administration. Mr. Monroe, himself, felt great anxiety about the way out of the difficulty, and the members of his Cabinet, generally, saw no chance but to let Jackson go to the wall. That he deserved it, there was no doubt. Who was equal to the emergency? To extricate the country from its present dilemma would be a wonderful achievement, worthy of an honorable consideration rarely bestowed upon the most brilliant deeds of men.

From abroad there came the ominous diplomatic words: "We have had nothing of late so exciting; it smacks of war." And a London newspaper said: "We can hardly believe that anything so offensive (as the acts of General Jackson) to public decorum could be admitted, even in America."

But this was a mistake. It was a better opinion of America than she deserved. For she set about at once, not only to defend the offensive deeds, but also to induce England and Spain and the rest of Europe to admit that she was right in doing so. This Herculean task was undertaken by the Secretary of State. He adopted the view that a bold policy justifying the entire conduct of General Jackson would in the end prove successful in Europe, and would have the double virtue of avoiding humiliation to the Government and maintaining the reputation of a very extraordinary man who, from his victory over the British at New Orleans, had suddenly acquired an almost fabulous popularity among his countrymen.

Mr. Monroe and his Cabinet, with the exception of Mr. Adams, were disposed to throw the entire respon

sibility upon General Jackson, and bring him to trial for transcending his orders. And at last, after much discussion of the vexatious matter, it was decided, Mr. Adams also giving his assent for the sake of unanimity, that General Jackson should be justified in some sort, but that the Administration should disclaim any responsibility in his acts, and order the Spanish posts to be restored to their rightful owners so soon as sufficient force should be sent by Spain for the purpose. In writing of this conclusion Mr. Adams said :—

"If they (it, the Administration) avow and approve Jackson's conduct, they incur the double responsibility of having made a war against Spain, in violation of the Constitution, without the authority of Congress. If they disavow him, they must give offense to his friends, encounter the shock of his popularity, and have the appearance of truckling to Spain. For all this I should be prepared; but the mischief of this determination lies deeper. 1. It is weakness, and confession of weakness. 2. The disclaimer of power in the Executive is of dangerous example, and of evil consequences. 3. There is injustice to the officer in disavowing him, when, in principle, he is strictly justifiable."

In this shape the matter was to go into history, as is fully shown in other volumes of this work; but Mr. Adams having obtained the general acquiescence of the other members of the Cabinet and of the President, set about the task of settling the whole trouble by a lawyer's plea. He wrote exhaustive instructions to Mr. Rush, Minister to England, and George Erving, Minister to Spain, defending Jackson's course in the invasion of Florida, and his occupation of the posts, and in the execution of Arbuthnot and Ambrister.

He then prepared an answer to the demands of the Spanish Government, setting forth the history of the case, beginning back six years, and in a somewhat exag