with a view of bringing about more general and harmonious action. But this failing, the work of the caucus went on. Sixty-two of the members present voted for Mr. Crawford for the Presidency, and two votes for him were cast by proxy. Two votes were cast for Mr. Adams, one for General Jackson, and one for Nathaniel Macon.

It was then stated that Vice-President Tompkins was not a candidate for re-election, and the ballot was taken for a successor for him, with this result:

William H. Crawford and Albert Gallatin were then declared the nominees, and directed to be made so to the country.

At the head of the New York members in the last Congressional caucus were Martin Van Buren and C. C. Cambreleng. In it were two members from Maine, three from Connecticut, one from Rhode Island, one from New Jersey, and one each from Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois. Pennsylvania and Maryland had each three, and South Carolina two, and the other States represented were New York, Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia, all having several members present. This caucus took it upon itself to send out to the people a very remarkable address, signed by Mr. Ruggles, setting forth the character of its action and the

necessity for its cordial support by the public, as the way to preserve party unity and best maintain the interests of the country.

Early in March, 1824, a convention was held at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, in which General Jackson received all of the one hundred and twenty-five votes cast, except one, for the Presidency, and Mr. Calhoun received eighty-seven votes, and was nominated for the Vice-Presidency. This was a new step in the course of events. When Tennessee had nominated General Jackson for the Presidency, the rest of the country laughed. It was a mere joke. Even Mr. Adams had not thought of this man, who had given him so much trouble, in connection with the Presidency. If he had advised his friends at all, it would have been to cast their votes for Jackson for VicePresident. Some of the Republican leaders in Pennsylvania, as George M. Dallas and others, had been strongly in favor of Mr. Calhoun for the Presidency, but they now wheeled over to Jackson, believing that his military popularity would win, and that Calhoun could well afford to wait. It would be only a question of time with him. It was a fine scheme, and Mr. Calhoun was wise enough to fall in with it, and withdrew his name from the list of Presidential candidates. He felt secure and saw no need, if he could have done so, of providing for the uncertain chances of the future.

Mr. Calhoun was then quite popular all over the country, and about his election there was little doubt. Considerable outcry was made on account of the nomination of Mr. Gallatin, by reason of his foreign birth, and this matter at last became so serious that the wise

and upright old man withdrew his name by the following card:

"FAYETTE COUNTY, Pa., October 2, 1824. "Understanding that the withdrawal of my name may have a favorable effect on the result of the approaching election of President and Vice-President of the United States, I request that I may no longer be considered as a candidate for the office of Vice-President. ALBERT GALLATIN."

This greatly simplified the situation for Mr. Calhoun. In the field now were Jackson and Calhoun, Adams and Calhoun, Clay and Nathan Sandford, and Mr. Crawford's friends were more divided as to the Vice-Presidency, after the withdrawal of the caucus nominee.

All of these candidates were Republicans (Democrats), and among them there were no great principles at stake. The contest was on personal grounds, mainly, personal fitnesss and personal friendships. Two other elements, to some extent, also entered into the canvass. These were sectional jealousy and the question of probable spoils. Mr. Clay had a certain kind of popularity throughout the country, but not until many years later did it reach its almost unbounded intensity. The West had had no President, and she now wanted Mr. Clay. Mr. Crawford was Thomas Jefferson's candidate, and, perhaps, the choice of the greater part of the South. But he had not been fortunate. years before he had worked for the nomination, and from that time he had been intriguing unsuccessfully. His most noted feat was the invention, or rather application, of the plan, from that date a prominent feature in Southern tactics, of securing a leading Northern State in his interest. Martin Van Buren

Eight

was his friend, and it was supposed then that Mr. Van Buren was the most influential politician in New York. He, therefore, caused Georgia to nominate Van Buren for the Vice-Presidency. This was a transparent trick, and was the occasion of much fun in Georgia and other parts of the South at Mr. Crawford's expense, and Mr. Van Buren's disgrace. The South was opposed to Mr. Van Buren, had not been educated up to him by General Jackson, and the trick was entirely Mr. Crawford also lost materially by being the

new.

caucus candidate.

It should be remarked here, however, that from the first days of the Republic there had been a strong vein of sectionalism in the legislation of the country. It was the practice to carry a scheme desired at the North by securing Southern votes in compromise or exchange for something wanted in the other section. To support a scheme on one side brought some needed support in return. But now this peculiar tactics was applied to the quadrennial elections, and so has been applied ever since. Since the war for slavery, using this principle, the solid South, with all possible aid in the North, has not been able to regain its former ascendency, or which would be the same thing, to restore the old Democratic party, remodeled, to its former hold on the administration of the Government.

Another matter which operated quite seriously against Mr. Crawford was that, in the summer or fall of 1823, he was paralyzed in one side, and even lost his speech and sight for a time. The affairs of his office, as well as of his political canvass, were managed by his friends, his daughter for a time signing his name to official documents. His case was greatly exagger

ated by both friends (supporters) and opponents, and made to appear better or worse than it really was. Still some of his friends thought it looked like folly to run a man in his physical condition for the Presidency.

Mr. Adams was preferred in New England by the old Federalists, as well as the Republicans. He had a strong following in New York, and not many friends in the South. Tennessee, however, if she had not had a candidate of her own, would have gone for him without much hesitation. He had saved her hero, and made him a possible President. In other chapters the main features sustaining this position have been given. While Mr. Adams, the only member of Mr. Monroe's Cabinet who upheld General Jackson in all his villainies in Florida, had lifted him into great popularity by his defenses of his conduct, he had scarcely thought of him for the Presidency. That was too much. He had simply worked to maintain the character of his country, and the reputation of General Jackson as a soldier and patriot. But he had, notwithstanding, secured Jackson on the pinnacle where New Orleans had placed him, then it became easy enough for those who shouted "Hurrah for Jackson" to see a President in him. And, when Tennessee, in a bit of very dexterous management, had elected Jackson to the United States Senate, then nominated him and recommended him to the people of the whole country for the Presidency, and sent him to Washington to take his seat in the Senate, in December, 1823, Mr. Adams did not abandon him. had been his champion, and still he must perform that function.

He

The anniversary of the General's great achieve