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vote, in Illinois one, in Louisiana two votes, Maryland three, and New York twenty-six.

Mr. Crawford got the nine electoral votes of Georgia, and the twenty-four. of Virginia, also two from Delaware, one from Maryland, and five from New York.

Mr. Clay carried Kentucky, Missouri, and Ohio, and had, besides their thirty-three votes, four from New York.

It should here be said that the electoral votes of Virginia for Mr. Macon, and of Georgia for Van Buren were compliments. They were not candidates.

Of the election of Mr. "Calhoun Mr. Benton says in his "Thirty Years' View :"—

"Mr. Calhoun was the only substantive Vice-Presidential candidate before the people, and his election was on evidence of good feeling in the North toward Southern men, he receiving the main part of his votes from that quarter, 114 votes from the nonslaveholding States, and only 68 from the slaveholding. A Southern man, and a slaveholder, Mr. Calhoun was indebted to Northern men, and non-slaveholders, for the honorable distinction of an election in the electoral colleges, the only one in the electoral colleges, the only one on all the lists of Presidential and Vice-Presidential candidates who had that honor. Surely there was no disposition in the Free States at that time to be unjust, or unkind to the South."





IT is deemed advisable to continue this history of the Presidential compaign of 1824, the only one of its kind, and the end of the caucus management, by reproducing the following quaint and interesting sketch of the old Congressional Caucus, from Niles' "Weekly Register" for February 28, 1824:—

"the Caucus Ok Sixty-six.

"Having spent the caucus week at the seat of the National Government, I have believed that it would be acceptable to my readers to have 'a report on the case,' from an eye and ear witness, with such reflections on the subject as passed through my mind at the time, and since, when reviewing the matter. It was the last of the caucuses, and its history deserves to be written. But, that the matter generally may be the better understood by those who have forgotten, and others that were too young to be acquainted with certain things belonging to meetings of that sort, some preliminary observations must be offered.

"The caucus system grew out of the contentions between the late great political parties which divided the people of the United States into two almost equally powerful sects; and, therefore, it appeared necessary, if either would carry its measures into effect, that a perfect accordance, as to persons, should be brought about; hence individuals, of the same party, met and consulted together, and, giving up private preferences for the support of principles, they agreed that such and such citizens were as well most pleasing to the people as best fitted to support their own measures, in case they should be elected. Mr. Adams, at his second election, had not the private good-will of the leaders of the Federal party, yet they zealously sustained him, that Mr. Jefferson might be defeated; and it is pretty certain also, that Mr. Madison was, a second time, supported by the Republicans, not more because he was the best man that could be found to carry on the business of the war, as for the reason that, the war being a just one, not even the shadow of an evidence should be shown of a disposition to end it, unless on honorable terms. And, on those occasions, Mr. Adams was the 'Federal' and Mr. Madison the 'Republican' candidate, and, as such, were supported or opposed by a vast majority, respectively, of those who were regarded as being true to their own principles and party.

"To catch the unthinking, and work upon the feelings of others reverencing the name of Jefferson, we are oftentimes told that we were indebted to the caucus system for his election, and the political revolution that took place in 1800. There is Do right or reason in this assertion. Mr. Jefferson was the ' man of the people,' and, I have sometimes thought, almost the idol of his political party. His own talents and character directed the public attention to him in 1796, and he was nearly successful; but if ever then, or in 1800, he was 'regularly nominated,' I never heard of it. No other person was thought of for the Presidency by the Democratic interest, and a public recommendation of him, by a caucus, was just as necessary as to place a farthing candle on the top of a steeple to give light to a city, at meridian day. Yet there was a partial meeting and some sort of an understanding about the Vice-Presidency in 1800; but the matter was managed with a degree of delicacy and forbearance unknown to the leading politicians of the present day; there was nothing like the assumption of a right to recommend, which almost presumes a right to appoint, and will grow into it, if the practice be not checked. The meeting of 1804 had also regard to the Vice-Presidency, to agree on some one in the place of Aaron Burr. To be sure Mr. Jefferson was named pro forma, but the nomination of the caucus had no manner of influence over his election. Indeed, not to have supported him, would have caused an almost universal dismissal of the Representatives and Senators who should have refused to follow the really majestic voice of the people.

"The first regular caucus then, as to the Presidency, was held at Washington on the 19th day of January, 1808; and chiefly for the purpose of deciding between the claims of the friends of Messrs. Madison and Monroe. Many Republicans refused to attend this meeting, for the reason that they were opposed to the system, and others kept themselves aloof because they did not approve of either of the gentlemen named; they thought it time that 'the scepter should depart from' Virginia; and only one gentleman from New York sanctioned the proceeding with his presence. However, when the nomination was made, Mr. Madison received the common support of the Republican interest. This was, perhaps, the only meeting of its kind that ever concentrated the opinions of the people, and prevented a schism in the ranks of the dominant party. On every other occasion, from 1796 to 1824, the minds of the people had been made up, and the caucussers simply expressed the public will, without daring to dictate to it, unless as shall be alluded to below. At this time, the whole number of the members of Congress was 176 (not 213, as I see it stated in some of the papers), of whom at least 46 were Federalists, leaving 130 Republicans, and of these last 04 attended the meeting, being nearly three-fourths of all the members of the party in Congress, as well as a majority of the whole number of the members of both Houses.

"The second caucus, of the character just above stated, was held on the 18th May, 1812. The whole number of the members of Congress was, as before, 176 (the census of 1810> not yet being applied to representation in the Houses), of which fortythree were Federalists, leaving 133 Republicans, of whom eightytwo attended the meeting, and the last was the number of votes that Mr. Madison received, being fifteen more than a majority of the members of the party in Congress, and only wanting six of being a majority of all the members of the Senate and House of Representatives. Of the fifty-one Republicans absent, from ten to fifteen, friendly to Mr. Madison, were so because they disapproved of the practice; such as Mr. Macon, Gaillard, Kent, Little, and McKim (the three last from Mayrland), and others refused to attend on account of their opposition to the then President, such as General Smith, a Senator from Maryland, and a large majority of the Republicans from New York and Massachusetts, who preferred Mr. De Witt Clinton. And these last, generally, opposed the nomination after it was made. In Baltimore, for example, a ' Clintonian ticket' for an elector, was got up and supported by General Smith's friends and the Federalists. Mr. Lemuel Taylor, who had been regarded as one of the most 'thorough-going Democrats' until this time, was their candidate, opposed by Mr. Johnson, the present mayor of the city, as the 'Madisoniau elector.' The latter received 2,632 votes and the former 845, being only twenty-nine more than the decided Federal vote in 1808, when the question was about the embargo laws.

"The third caucus was held on the 16th March, 1816. The whole number of the members of Congress at this time was 215, of whom 77 were Federalists, leaving 138 Republicans, of whom 119 attended the meeting. Of the 19 absentees, the greater part were so for principle.s sake, as Messrs. Gaillard, Macon, etc. Herein nearly seven-eighths of the party were present, and also a majority of the whole number of the members of Congress, though the Federal party was in such great force. At this meeting, 65 votes were given for Mr. Monroe and 54 for Mr. Crawford; so there was no doubt that a majority of the Republicans was in favor of the former. Mr. Crawford's strength was in the members from New York, New Jersey, North Carolina, and Georgia; 33, out of the 41 members that attended from these States, voted for him; he also had a majority of the members from Kentucky, and 5 out of the 18 from Pennsylvania; but only one of the 17 from Virginia supported him. Everybody was astonished at the vote he obtained, who breathed not the atmosphere of Washington City. Out of the 'ten miles square' no one had seemingly thought of him, and, even in the District, if Messrs. Gales and Seaton are to be relied on, the vote given for him produced the most wonderful wonder, and they impeached those who supported him of meanness and intrigue the most base. Indeed, this was the first attempt that had ever been made to dictate to the people, instead of following their lead, and it was truly a Ijpld one. Twelve more votes, and Mr. Crawford would have been selected! But it is just as reasonable to believe that the British will sail up the cataract of Niagara, 'in brigs of a peculiar construction,' as to suppose that he would have been elected, had he been nominated. The people will not give up their rights to a 'cabal' or 'combination,' as Messrs. Gales and Seaton declared the supporters of Mr. Crawford to be; they will not be dictated to by 'King Caucus,' or

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