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which others not so unreasonably and ill-disposed could gather in their aid. The foundations of real party, not personal, issues were now discernible. The old quesr tions of liberal and strict construction of the Constitution, which had been slumbering for a quarter of a century were now revived. The principles and spirit of a thorough, protective, parental government were again aroused in opposition to the old Jeffersonian theory of a weak government, of no government, that the world was governed too much.

It was now discovered that Mr. Adams was not a Republican (Democrat); that he had been a Federalist by birth, education, and social surroundings and preferences; and was still one. At the time he entered the Democratic ranks, under Mr. Jefferson, the old Federal issues were dead, or dormant, and under the Virginia Presidents, affairs had taken no turn favoring the development of party issues. In this quiet current Mr. Adams had floated, having faith in what he did, without visions of what the future would bring forth.

If his message had furnished the grounds for new party organizations, it was quite evident that whatever the result would be, the JefTersonian period was at an end. Mr. Adams could not revive or maintain its principles; and on the other side a powerful man, an imperious animal, was forming around himself a party which should be absolutely subject to his will, a leader and a, party not without principles, perhaps, but without precedents. Such was the early condition of the Jacksonian Democracy.

Now first began to appear a new party nomenclature. In the Presidential contest of 1828, the followers of the two candidates to a great extent took the names of their leaders. They were merely Adams men and Jackson men. But the Adams men took the name of National Republicans, and from this they soon became Whigs, having many of the traits of the old Federal party. At the end of another period, from the ruins of this party, with some new vital issues, sprang the new Republican party of to-day. The Jackson men, dropping the name Republican, became Jacksonian Democrats, and as the imperial old leader disappeared the prefix was dropped and the Democracy, with many vicissitudes, and some principles wholly un-Jeffersonian and un-Jacksonian, but better suited to the times, still remains.

CHAPTER XX.

FIRST SESSION OF THE " 19TH" CONGRESS—GEORGIA VERSUS

THE UNITED STATES—"LO! THE POOR INDIAN"—THE

GREAT PANAMA CONGRESS AND WHAT

CAME OF IT.

IN 1802 the Government agreed with Georgia, on condition of that State relinquishing her claim to the Mississippi Territory, to extinguish the Indian title to all lands in that State, " whenever it could be peaceably done, upon reasonable terms."

The work for the fulfillment of this agreement had gone on slowly, but persistently under the three Virginia Presidents who were certainly well-disposed toward the advancement of Georgia's interests. They had succeeded in " treating" for many million acres of the Indian lands, but more than half as much more was still in dispute and held by the Creek and Cherokee Indians when Mr. Monroe went out of office. This matter now devolved upon Mr. Adams, and so imminent was the prospect of war with Georgia, led by the unreasonable and unpatriotic Governor, Troup, that Mr. Adams was on the point of calling Congress in special session in the summer of 1825, to provide for the emergency. Late in the winter of 1824 a treaty, not sanctioned by these nations, was signed by the Indian General, William Mcintosh, and several other chiefs, conveying to the whites all the Indian lands in Georgia, and this treaty the Senate ratified on the last day of Mr. Monroe's term of office.

In the following month the Indians put Mcintosh and another chief, who had signed this treaty, to death, and prepared to resist the execution of the terms of the treaty on the part of" Georgia. Governor Troup claimed that all these lands were now vested in his State, and set about having them surveyed preparatory to distributing by lottery among the white citizens. The Indians laid their complaints before the President, and a controversy with Georgia began, which, on the part of Governor Troup, was exceedingly vexatious and disgraceful.

The President sent a special agent to investigate the case, and also ordered General Gaines with a considerable force to proceed to the scene of dispute to prevent war between the Indians and this obstreperous and unwise governor. This very decided course of the President brought Troup to a halt, and a new treaty was made by which the Indians ceded all their Georgia lands, except a small tract, to the United States. This treaty, although opposed by the Georgia Congressmen, was confirmed by the Senate, and appropriations made by the House for carrying it out. Still the difficulty was not ended. General Gaines and the Governor of Georgia engaged in a very intemperate correspondence, in which the General also lost his discretion and temper, which terminated in the Governor peremptorily demanding of the War Department his arrest and punishment. In a letter to the President in August, 1825, Troup charged General Gaines with every indecency, but said he was correct in one of his positions; and being in the right himself, he put the President in

the wrong so conspicuously, that he stood on an insulated eminence, an almost solitary advocate for making and breaking treaties.

The President wrote to General Gaines, requiring him to abstain from anything offensive in his further communications with Troup, but considering the abuse heaped upon him as palliatory, declined to arrest him or take any notice of the Governor's demands.

The great Legislature of Georgia had said :—

"We will no longer submit our retained rights to the sniveling insinuations of bad men on the floor of Congress, our Constitutional rights to the dark and strained construction of designing men upon judicial benches; that we detest the doctrine, and disclaim the principle, of unlimited submission to the General Government. . . .

"Let our Northern brethren, then, if there is no peace in Union, if the compact has become too heavy to be longer borne, in the name of all the mercies, find peace among themselves. Let them continue to rejoice in their self-righteousness. . . .

"Let the North, then, form national roads for themselves; let them guard with tariffs their own interests. . . .

"In the simplicity of the patriarchal government, we would still remain, master and servant, under our own vine and our own fig-tree, and confide for safety upon Him who, of old time, looked down upon this state of things without wrath."

Here was the issue, and in the spirit of 1860!

In June, 1825. the Secretary of War wrote to Governor Troup that, if Georgia began surveying the Indian lands under the treaty made by Mcintosh, and rejected at Washington, the Government would not be responsible for the consequences. Troup defiantly answered: "The President may rest content that the government of Georgia cares for no responsibilities in the exercise of its right, and the execution of its trust,

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