but those which belong to conscience and to God, who, thanks to Him, is equally our God, as the God of the United States." What would a political leader, guilty of such foolishness, not do? But Troup was notified decidedly not to make the surveys, and General Gaines was required to be on the alert, as a collision between the General Government and Georgia was not improbable.

The President continued his efforts with the Indians, and finally the treaty was amended, annulling their title to all the land in the State. In May, 1826, this result was reached. But Georgia was not satisfied with this treaty, and Troup, accordingly, ordered the surveys to be commenced in September, without reference to what had been done at Washington. In January, 1827, the news reached the President that the State authorities were actually engaged in surveying lands outside of the bounds of the treaty, lands not ceded and yet belonging to the Indians. A few days subsequently, the President laid the aggravated case before Congress, and in doing so stated that if the encroachments of Georgia continued, the military arm would be employed to enforce the laws.

The notorious Troup now came forward with a letter to the War Department, in which he said: "From the first decisive act of hostility, you will be considered and treated as a public enemy, and with the less repugnance, because you, to whom we might Constitutionally have appealed for our own defense against invasion, are, yourselves, the invaders; and what is more, the unblushing allies of the savages, whose cause you have adopted."

The Governor at once set about organizing the

militia, at the same time ordering the release of any citizens of the State connected with the surveys which had been ordered by him, who had been arrested by the officers of the General Government. But Troup, discovering the efforts of the President to settle the matter peaceably, now began to relent, and the controversy suddenly ended by another treaty in January, 1828, giving to this great, pugnacious State all the Indian lands she asked.

An attempt was then made to establish all the Indians in a perpetual territory of their own, west of the Mississippi, but little was accomplished in this direction during Mr. Adams's Aministration.

Thus closed one of the most bitter and unjustifiable quarrels ever started by a State against the General Government. The conduct of Troup and his Legislature met more than ridicule. In the South, separation, disunion, to a great extent, was regarded as the way out of difficulty, and possible dissolution of the Union was talked of everywhere.

Europe began the talk in which she had always indulged, and of which she was not cured until after the war for suppressing the Rebellion, began in 1861, that this Government must shortly fall to pieces from intrinsic weakness; that republics could not have strength enough to hold together. A war had been more imminent than in 1832, in South Carolina's foolish attempt to nullify the acts of the General Government. But the result was substantially the same in both cases. In the first, Georgia blustered, blackguarded, threatened, prepared for war, and finally triumphed in getting just what she had set out to get. In the other, the Executive blustered "By the Eternal," and

then relented, as a partisan necessity, and South Carolina got, in compromise, about all there was in nullification. But the greatest sufferers in this case, perhaps, were the Indians, who, as usual, sacrificed their ancient domain to the cupidity of the white "friend and brother."

Late in December, 1825, Mr. Adams sent to the Senate a confidential message concerning the proposed Panama Congress of American governments, and nominated Richard C. Anderson, of Kentucky, then Minister from this country to the United States of Colombia, and John Sergeant, to represent this Government. The President gave his reasons, which were simple, satisfactory, and proper enough. But the matter was placed in the hands of a committee designedly organized as unfavorable to the mission. All the committees of the Senate, except one, were organized in opposition to the Administration. This was Mr. Calhoun's first unfair and unmanly act, as VicePresident, towards his old associate, who had extolled him as the philosopher of Mr. Monroe's Cabinet. Calhoun was opposed to the Panama mission mainly for the sake of opposition; and was opposed to the Administration entirely on no better grounds, and so prejudicial to the public interests became his evil and unstatesman-like conduct in the appointment of committees that the Senate actually had to take the privilege of appointing out of his hands.

The committee on foreign relations, to which the Panama matter was referred, reported that it was not expedient to send agents to the proposed congress of American nations. This report was not made until the 16th of January, 1826. This result met a strong

opposition, and for two months the Panama question absorbed the attention of Congress and the country. At last, on the 14th of March, the Senate, in a vote of 24 to 19, negatived the report of the committee, and confirmed the nominations the President had made. On the 25th, the House committee of foreign relations reported in favor of the mission, and after a long and futile argument a bill was passed on the 22d of April making the necessary appropriations. The broad field of discussion taken in the House was unwise and trifling, however ably it was carried on, as it was beyond the province of the House to argue the expediency of such cases. Many members of that body voted for the mission on this ground, perhaps. At all events, the appropriation was authorized by a vote of 134 to 60.

Congress delayed the matter so long that Mr. Sergeant had not time to reach the scene of action, and Mr. Anderson died of some tropical fever on the way. So the United States was not represented in the famous Panama Congress. It met on the 22d of June, and in less than a month concluded its session. A league of perpetual friendship was formed, with a provision that other American states, not represented, could come in within the year, and the next session ordered to meet near the City of Mexico in February, 1827. Mr. Poinsett, the Minister to Mexico, was appointed to take the place of Mr. Anderson, and in the fall of 1826, Mr. Sergeant set out for Tacubaya, where the congress was to meet. But some of the South American republics had not ratified the treaties made in the first session of the congress, and other dissensions arising among them, representatives were not

sent, and thus ended forever the Panama Congress, in which the United States had taken no part.

The importance attached to it at that time, and, indeed, ever since, by politicians, had no foundation. out of their imaginations. And the great fuss raised about it in Congress meant little else than opposition to the Administration. The scheme had originated, probably, with General Bolivar, and the interest taken in it by Mr. Adams rested wholly upon the desire to benefit his own country, while furthering any safe steps for the advancement of "The Monroe Doctrine." This Panama affair was one of the most proper and harmless of all the political undertakings on this hemisphere, and was without mystery or deep signification. It meant nothing then, and never would have meant more to the United States, notwithstanding the assumptions concerning it then, and the strange unction of ignorance and the self-gratulatory air of knowing something that never existed, yet visible in the fossil remains of the political gossip, slander, and other evil machinations of half a century ago.

Throughout Mr. Adams's entire term little was done in Congress of more importance than the worthless wrangle over this Panama affair. The Calhoun and Crawford men soon fell in with the Jacksonians, and the main business of the four sessions, especially of the last two, was to break down the Administration, and make one of the most ignorant men, and also, or consequently, the most absolutely tyrannical and undemocratic man in the United States, President.

One of the measures introduced in Congress in the spring of 1826, was for the amendment of the Constitution, providing for the election of President and