as a misfortune, inasmuch as it takes from me the last hope of an old age of quiet and leisure. I am still to be buffeted with political rancor and personal malignity, with more than equal chances of losing the favor even of those who now think they honor themselves by their suffrages more than me."

But there was probably no event in Mr. Adams's life which gave him such real delight as this election to Congress. His advancement to the Presidency was not by the unmistakable voice of the people, although it was in a way provided by the Constitution, and the means of reaching this so-called high office never was gratifying to him. But this election to Congress was the spontaneous gift of the great mass of the people, and those, too, among whom he had always lived, and many of whom had once been loud in the censure of his father, if not also of himself.

The winter of 1830, which Mr. Adams considered one of the most quiet and comfortable of his life, he also spent in Washington with his family. This year he was invited, as he had been on former occasions, to deliver the anniversary discourse for the Columbian Institute, but he now declined on grounds not very worthy, but, perhaps, characteristic. The principal members of the Administration were members of the Columbian society, and his treatment had been so knavishly and slanderously bad from these men that he could not voluntarily associate with them.

He had urgent applications this winter to write articles for several newspapers, but did little in that way beyond some letters drawn out by the Calhoun, Crawford, and Jackson imbroglio, and concerning the Live-Oak plantation he had started in Florida.

This winter an Indian was executed by the author

ities of Georgia after the Supreme Court of the United States had ordered the execution to be stayed. This event created no little excitement in the country, and was considered by many as the most violent thrust which the National Government had ever received, and as the introduction of an example which would lead to the general subversion of government, and the reign of anarchy. But the course of Georgia had its advocates in all parts of the Union. Of this affair Mr. Adams wrote:

"The resolutions of the Legislature of Georgia, setting at defiance the Supreme Court of the United States, are published and approved in the "Telegraph," the Administration newspaper at this place. By extending the laws of Georgia over the country and people of the Cherokees, the Constitution, laws, and treaties of the United States were, quoad hoc, set aside. They were chaff before the wind. In pursuance of these laws of Georgia, a Cherokee Indian is prosecuted for the murder of another Indian before a State court in Georgia, tried by a jury of white men, and sentenced to death. He appeals to the Chief-Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States, who issues an injunction to the Governor and executive officers of Georgia upon the appeal to the laws and treaties of the United States. The Governor of Georgia refuses obedience to this injunction, and the Legislature pass resolutions that they will not appear to answer before the Supreme Court of the United States. The Constitution, the laws, and treaties of the United States are prostrate in the State of Georgia.

"Is there any remedy for this state of things? None. Because the Executive of the United States is in league with the State of Georgia. He will not take care that the laws be faithfully executed. A majority of both Houses of Congress sustains him in this neglect and violation of his duty. There is no harmony in the government of the Union. . The Union is in the most imminent danger of dissolution from the old inherent vice of confederacies, anarchy in the members. To this end onethird of the people is perverted, one-third slumbers, and the rest wring their hands with unavailing lamentations in the foresight

of evil which they can not avert. The ship is about to founder. A merciful Providence can save."

Early in 1831 Mr. Adams received a letter from Mr. Calhoun, asking him to answer certain questions about the conduct of Mr. Crawford in the Cabinet of Mr. Monroe, and especially as to Jackson's dealings with the Indians in Florida at that period. After receiving three or four letters from Mr. Calhoun, and consulting with Mr. Wirt about the matter, he finally concluded to satisfy Mr. Calhoun's desire. His letter was published by Mr. Calhoun in a pamphlet defense of himself. Mr. Calhoun was greatly gratified with the course Mr. Adams took with him in this affair; sent him an apology for not accepting an invitation to a dinner at the White House about the close of Mr. Adams's Administration, and desired to visit him. Mr. Adams returned word that he did not remember these things, and would receive Mr. Calhoun kindly when he chose to call on him. Accordingly, on the 2d of March, Vice-President Calhoun called and had a long talk with Mr. Adams. But Mr. Adams never regained his confidence in Calhoun, although there was for a time the appearance of cordiality between them.

Some letters passed between Mr. Adams and Mr. Monroe at this time; and much of Mr. Adams's leisure was occupied with his Diary, and in writing poetry. Among his poems produced this winter was a paraphrase of the 149th Psalm.

His Diary at this time was a wonderful mass of gossip, in which even an unpolitical denizen of Washington, if there is such a thing, at this day, with ever so ordinary a degree of the noble quality of gossiping, could hardly fail to be deeply interested; and while it

is quite fragmentary, it yet furnishes a graphic history of the small, as well as the more important, affairs of the Administration and the times. This winter, while in Washington, Mr. Adams wrote his most pretentious poem, "The Conquest of Ireland," or "Dermot Mac Morrogh," to be fully noticed hereafter. Indeed, this was a busy and profitable winter to the energetic old man.

In April, 1831, Mr. Adams left Washington, and on his way to Quincy stopped in New York, at Mr. Gouverneur's, to see for the last time Mr. Monroe, whom he found hardly strong enough to talk to him, and on the very verge of the grave. It is probably worthy of remark that, while in New York at this time, Mr. Adams was invited by the manager of some theater to attend the evening performance, and actually declined. Could philosophy account for this strange freak?

In May Mr. Adams attended a convention of AntiMasons at Faneuil Hall, although he took no part in its proceedings. He did not expect, however, long to be able to hold himself aloof from participation in the great war against what one of his Masonic friends termed a harmless, inoffensive, and foolish institution; nor did he design shunning his duty, when it should become apparent in the case. He was opposed to this secret order, as his father had been, on general principles, apart from the question which was then giving it a mortal notoriety.

Mr. Adams delivered the Independence address at Quincy on the 4th of July, this year. He spent some time in the preparation of this address, and was much concerned about avoiding the manner and substance of his former 4th of July orations. After all his

efforts, however, he was not satisfied, and considered. the address intolerably dry. Still it was received with great favor, and met little of that prejudicial criticism usually bestowed upon his writings and speeches. On this occasion his poem of the 149th Psalm was sung. The address was printed in Boston and had a wide circulation, especially on account of its fervid and eloquent appeals for the perpetuity of the Union.

Shortly after the death of Mr. Monroe, Mr. Adams was invited to deliver an address in Boston on his life and character. This delicate task he undertook, and, after spending over a month in preparation, on the 25th of August, 1831, delivered his "eulogy" to a large assemblage of people at the Old South Church.

At this time Mr. Adams was spoken of as the probable candidate of the Anti-Masons for the Presidency of the United States. When the subject was mentioned to him he fell into his old way of neither declining nor accepting, but indicating that it would, doubtlessly, be his duty to do whatever any respectable number of his countrymen nominated him to do, while he could take no part, in word or deed, in placing himself before the public for an office. Mr. Adams really hoped that the convention to be held in Baltimore in December, would nominate Richard Rush, or that the Anti-Masonic faction could agree to take Mr. Clay, who had not been an active Mason.

During this summer Mr. Adams first met William H. Seward, who came to Quincy with a letter of introduction to him. Mr. Seward was then beginning to rise to importance, and was an earnest Anti-Mason.

In October, 1831, Mr. Adams declined the nomi