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Some weeks after this correspondence I joined Mr. Pitt at Bath, and had many conversations with him upon those points;

have made a most splendid and important addition to our strength in large ships of

war.

"I meant you a short letter of thanks and congratulation, and I find I have inadvertently got into a naval dissertation; but, before I lay down my pen, I must add a few lines more, again to entreat you not to think me a croaker, if I suggest to you, even at this moment, the precaution of adding, as far as practicable to the numbers of our gun-brigs and other vessels of that description between this and the month of May next. I hope in God our allies, if Prussia comes forward, may af ford us rational ground of confidence from

their exertions; but, after what has happened at Ulm, whether proceeding from pusillanimity or treachery, it is impossible not to be diffident, and to foresee the possibility of our being again to contend single-handed. If that moment shall come, let us not be unprepared with the means which can alone give confidence to the feelings of the country under such circumstances. These means are the possession of such numbers of strong armed vessels as may be sufficient to blockade and annoy every place where they shall attempt an assemblage of menacing vessels of that description. You know well my sentiments of invasion, and nothing has ever occurred to shake the opinion I have long entertained, that nothing but frenzy could imagine the possibility of a successful invasion of this country against a decided naval superiority. But if we are again during the present war to be reduced to single combat, it must be a naval war; and unless, by a naval force adapted to the purpose of security at home, the minds of the country shall be set at ease, you will never be able to achieve those great naval ope rations against the distant possessions of our enemies, which will be necessary to cut off their commerce, and consequently their naval resources, and yet it is by these means only we can expect to retard the progress as a naval power, which France will naturally attempt to make, in the prosecution of the resentment and jealousy which she entertains against Great Britain. It is full time however I was relieving you from my lucubrations. I remain, &c. (Signed) MELVILLE."

"P. S. It is impossible not to mourn the

and I have a firm belief that, if his valuable life had been spared, the suggestions I offered to him would not have been

death of so distinguished and illustrious a character as lord Nelson; but I cannot for a moment participate in the mode of regret which is expressed on the occasion. In so far as we lament him on account of the great loss the public has sustained by the fall of so able, so popular, and so beloved, an admiral, I heartily join; but, with regard to himself, his death is enviable beyond expression. Accidents might have lowered his name in a fickle country, but such a brilliant end, following such a series of brilliant service, places his fair fame beyond the reach of caprice, envy, or malevolence."

Copy of a LETTER from Lord Melville to Mr. Pitt, dated Melville Castle, November 30, 1805.

"My Dear Sir; I have received, under your cover, this morning, the additional Extraordinary Gazette; which certainly places the splendour of our naval success in a view even more forcible than before. There seems just three ships, out of the thirty-three which formed the combined fleet, left fit for service. In the course of my rides, these few days past, I have been thinking a great deal on the most expedient line of conduct to be adopted with regard to our naval affairs, in consequence of the essential change created by our late successes. The Gazette of this morning strongly confirms me in the train of thinking I had entertained on the subject. I was led to it from observing in the newspapers that the Admiralty intended immediately to repair and put into commission the ships taken by Sir Richard Strachan. I shall shortly state to you my reasons for thinking this would be very injudicious. It is so clear that I need not say any thing to prove a proposition which is indisputable; viz. that for the remainder of this war, be it longer or shorter, the naval power of the enemy cannot make head against the fleet of this country, and that consequently such arrangements may be made respecting our fleet as if the war were actually at an end. Under such circumstances it would be wisdom in this country to lay the foundation of, and unremittingly persevere in, such measures as would enable us, in case of a new war, to produce a great fleet, consisting not of worn-out and

overlooked; but he was never able again | ministers attend candidly to the sugges

to take part in any public business.

It may be proper here to remark that, since the memorable victory of Trafalgar, the naval force of the enemy has been diminished by the capture and destruction of many ships of the line, frigates, and inferior vessels of war.

Let me then entreat your lordships, but more especially his Majesty's advisers, to give a serious consideration to what I have urged; and I persuade myself that, if

decayed ships, but of ships in good repair, and fit to encounter the fleets of any supposable combination of enemies. I say you have it in your power now to adopt this system; and, therefore, in place of rapidly and ostentatiously putting the new captured ships into commission, (taking it for granted, as I do, that they are excellent ships,) I would put them in the best possible state, to be laid up, to make part of a future fleet, when the exigencies of the country may require it. I would do the same with the best of our own ships, as they required to be docked or refitted. I would reserve for the same purpose all the ships now building, either in the king's or merchants' yards, and I would give the contractors who are building them some relaxation of the time specified in their contracts, because this service is not so pressing as it was, and because, by building more slowly, the timber will be better seasoned. I do not advert to the resources to be expected from India, or any other resources which may be in our power. These, of course, will add to our naval strength; but, circumstanced as the fleet of the enemy is, it appears to me, that, by the means I have already stated, you have it in your power, even during the war, to commence and persevere in a system of naval arrangements, which, in a very few years, would put the country in possession of a numerous fleet, in excellent condition, and ready for any service they may be called upon to undertake; and I am sure I need say nothing to convince you of the comfort such a state of the navy, at the commencement of war, would be to the country, compared with the gloomy prospect which was at one moment felt, in consequence of the measures pursued, under a mistaken idea of economy, by his Majesty's advisers immediately subsequent to the peace of Amiens. -You will naturally ask if the suggestions I have offered are compatible with the

tions I am now submitting to your lordships, a very material saving may be made in our naval expenditure, and at the same time a fleet maintained which shall be perfectly adequate to every exigencythat may arise. I assure your lordships that I am no advocate for such a system of economy as may tend to impede any great national service, more especially when the object in contemplation may be connected with the interests of the navy; and

means of keeping afloat a sufficient fleet, for answering the exigencies of the present war, if it should be of long continuance. I have no doubt on that point; and I am perfectly confident that, by means of the oldest and least serviceable ships in our fleet, a force might with ease be kept up which would outdo, both in numbers and strength, any thing the enemy could bring against us. I am sure you may assume it as a certain proposition that, without commerce, and considering the havock which has been made among their ships and their seamen, it is impossible for our enemies to bring out a fleet that can create the smallest apprehension. Continue, therefore, the system which necessity obliged us to adopt in the month of March, Repair and refit, as occasion may require, but let it not be that thorough repair which requires much time and expence. The experience you have had in the course of this last year must convince you how speedily and efficaciously a naval force may be brought forward for service. The ships so brought forward have borne their full share in the late splendid achievements. Even in giving such temporary repairs, it may perhaps not be necessary to have recourse to Mr. Snodgrass's plan; but, if it should, the experience we have lately had is decisive as to the reliance to be placed upon it. The Cæsar, which bore the flag of Sir R. Strachan, is one of the doubled ships; and it has been reported to me that Sir Richard had stated that she sailed as well after as before the operation.

I have taken up more of your time than I intended; but I was desirous, in a matter of such magnitude, to put either you or lord Barham in possession of my ideas; and, if they are not well grounded, you will of course pay no attention to them.This letter requires no answer; and therefore your only trouble will be that of reading it.I remain, &c.

(Signed) MELVILLE."

yet, upon this most important service, no superfluous expenditure should be incurred.

long as he retains his present ascendancy over the continent of Europe, it is our duty as I have before said, to make such regulations in our naval expenditure as may be warranted by our relative situation, in order to enable us to maintain that superiority for any length of time.

I am convinced that, on an accurate investigation, it would be found that reductions might be made, amounting in the aggregate to a large sum.

A very material saving would arise from our not keeping in commission a greater establishment of ships of the line than might be requisite for any probable demand: and I am satisfied, that the building of new ships is carried to a most impolitic extent, and much unnecessary expence thereby incurred. Entertaining these opinions, I confess I heard with surprise of a vote of 15,000 additional seamen for the service of the present year.

I am aware that any very great diminution of our naval establishment would have the effect of throwing a considerable number of our meritorious officers out of employment: but I cannot suppose that any serious opposition can be fairly grounded on this circumstance, when it is recollected that the same effect would be produced in a much greater degree by the return of peace.

The termination of the war in which we are now engaged no human being can foresee; and I have no hesitation in declaring that, so long as France shall retain the sovereignty of the continent of Europe, it is, in my judgment, impossible to make a desirable peace with her; impressed as I am with a belief, that any peace which she might propose would but too probably lead to the subjugation of this country, by presenting to the ruler of France an opportunity of creating a naval force, which, in conjunction with the fleets of the other maritime powers of Europe, (all of whom, with the exception of Spain and Portugal, are now completely under his controul) might dispute with us the sovereignty of the ocean. This is the event lo which we must look forward, as then, though perhaps not till then, we should have to contend, not merely for our independence but for our very existence. While we, however, retain the dominion of the sea, and preserve the fabric of our constitution, which is the true and genuine source of our manufactures, of our commerce, of our agriculture, and of our revenue, we have nothing to apprehend from the boasted threats or from the power of France. These may be con- I do not overlook, nor am I disposed to sidered as mere bugbears; let the war be underrate, this inconvenience, but I have conducted on a rational and practicable long foreseen, and am strongly of opinion system, and we shall find our resources that a remedy might be found to compenperfectly adequate to the contest, so long sate the service for the hardship to indias circumstances and the safety of the viduals arising out of the unprecedented country may render a continuation of it extent of our naval establishment, and the necessary. impossibility at all times of giving emHaving so long intruded on your lord-ployment to a large proportion of its best ships time, I shall avoid entering in detail upon any of the other considerations which have occurred to me in the course of the investigation I have had occasion to make into the subject now under discussion. I cannot however conclude without expressing my earnest hopes, that those who are entrusted with the naval administration of the country will give a most attentive revital to the subject of our naval expenditure. This war has, in its progress, assumed a character very different from that of any former contest in which we have been engaged; and our naval superiority is so decided that it cannot with propriety be termed a naval contest: but, although the ruler of France cannot pretend to rival us in that respect, still, as we cannot look forward to the termination of the war so

officers. But every such act of benevolence ought to flow spontaneously from the sovereign, and a particular suggestion coming from any other quarter would be an impertinent intrusion.

I shall now conclude with moving the following Resolution : "That it appears to this House, in consideration of the many advantages attending the conveyance of troops in king's ships, fitted up as troop-ships, over the mode of conveyance in hired transports, that it is essential to the interests of this country that an adequate number of king's ships should, without delay, be prepared and held in readiness for the accommodation of such troops as it may be found expedient to embark in furtherance of the public service."

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ships a separate establishment from the regular navy, and enacting for it special regulations by act of parliament. In this view of the question, he was clearly of opinion, that there would be immensely superior advantages in conveying troops in troop ships, instead of hired transports.

length, which drew only seven feet odd inches of water, and outsailed the swiftest vessel in the navy.

Lord Mulgrave expressed his surprise, | that the noble viscount should have dwelt upon the advantages to be derived from naval discipline on board of ships of war employed for the conveyance of troops, after the letters which the noble viscount had received upon a former occasion, from naval officers of high rank, strongly ex- Earl Stanhope agreed with the noble pressing the great inconveniences which earl, and observed upon the superior adhad arisen from it, and after what had vantages which would be derived from happened on board some of the ships em- having a class of vessels drawing little ployed for this purpose in the Expedition depth of water, and which might be emto Egypt. In that expedition 41,000 tons ployed for the conveyance of troops, and of troop-ships were employed for the con- for various other purposes. He had shewn veyance of 17,000 troops; and it appeared this by an experiment of his own, the reupon a comparison of expence, that insult of which was, a vessel 111 feet in troop ships it was 271. per ton, and 551. per man; and that in hired transports the expence was not more than 121. per ton, and 241. per man. His lordship deprecated the idea of reducing our navy at a period like the present, and observed upon the difficulty of restoring it to its former state of efficiency, when once reduced, the calculation besides of the noble viscount of the number of ships that could be mustered against us was erroneousthe actual number being 101. It was quite impracticable to derive from our navy the quantity of tonnage necessary for the transport-service-the quantity now employed being 147,000 tons. His lordship thought it impossible to get over the difficulties which occurred in the clashing of the two services, when troops were embarked on board ships of war. As to sending out an expedition to Flushing in the early part of last year, it was impossible, in consequence of there not being troops enough who were sufficiently recovered from the effects of the retreat to Corunna. Conceiving the motion to be an unnecessary interference with the executive government, he moved the previous question.

The Earl of Warwick observed upon the want of water at Walcheren, and stated that the soap which he had recently discovered, and which would wash perfectly well with sea water, might be rendered the means of saving the consumption of an immense quantity of fresh water in the navy.

The Earl of Galloway was decidedly of opinion that any measure which interfered with the paramount authority of the commander of a ship of war, on board that ship, would destroy the discipline of the navy; but he thought the difficulty might be easily got over, by making the troop

VOL. XVII.

Viscount Melville shortly replied, and observed, that his idea was not the employment of ships of war for the conveyance of troops, as supposed by the noble lord, but of troop ships, as mentioned by his noble friend (the earl of Gailoway). With respect to Flushing, he still thought that a force sufficient for the object he had mentioned might have been sent over early in the last year.

The Earl of Liverpool observed, that the question as now stated with reference to the establishment of troop ships, with separate regulations, was one of great difficulty, and which required very serious consideration, and which therefore, without giving an opinion upon it, was one that could not be decided upon in the manner now proposed. As to Flushing, he assured his noble friend that troops could not be spared for the object he had mentioned at that time; and supposing it to have been done, all the ulterior objects of the expedition to the Scheldt must have been given up.

The previous question was agreed to without a division.

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The Petition was then delivered in at subjects are greatly aggravated by the the table and read; setting forth, "That, scandalous system of peculation which has in the year 1793, his Majesty, by the of late years been disclosed, and by the advice of his then ministers, engaged in a profuse expenditure of public money, war against France, for the purpose of which has occasioned the grievous weight curbing the power of that country, and of taxation under which the nation now circumscribing its limits; and that in the labours; and the petitioners do humbly prosecution of the said war, various mili- conceive, that a long train of misfortunes tary expeditions have been planned and such as they have enumerated, and the conducted by successive administrations, consequent diminution of the relative which expeditions have almost uniformly strength and political influence of the failed in accomplishing the objects for nation, must be imputed as matter of which they were undertaken; and that, in blame either to the commanders employed proof of this assertion, the petitioners beg to execute the measures of government, leave to call to the recollection of the or to ministers who by the unskilfulness of House the expedition to Flanders in the their plans have lost attainable ohjects, or year 1793, the descent upon Quiberon by their folly and obstinacy have wasted Bay in 1794, the invasion of Holland in the efforts of the nation on objects which 1799, the attack on Constantinople in are unattainable; and yet the petitioners 1807, the expeditions to Egypt and Bue- are compelled to state, that, save in the nos Ayres in the same year, the disgrace- case of the commander of the expedition ful convention of Cintra, the campaign of to Buenos Ayres, no individual, either Sir John Moore in Spain, and the retreat minister or general, has been brought to of Sir Arthur Wellesley after the victory punishment as being accountable for the of Talavera, where he left his sick and losses and misfortunes which have befallen wounded to the mercy of the enemy and the British arms; that, on the contrary, that the petitioners particularly beg leave the plan and conduct of one disastrous exto call to the recollection of the House, pedition after another stands vindicated on that his Majesty's present ministers did, the journals of the House; and that noin July last, fit out an armament of a mag- thing appears there to deter his Majesty's nitude unexampled in the annals of this ministers from again wasting the blood country, for the purpose of taking the and treasure of the country, as they have city of Antwerp, and destroying the ships lately done in the expedition to Walcheand stores which might be found in that ren; and the petitioners further beg leave port; and that the said armament returned to state, that they are humbly of opinion. home without effecting the object of its that this impunity of the planners and equipment, and having its numbers miser- conductors of disastrous enterprizes, and ably thinned by a disease, the certainty the consequent repetition of such enterof the occurrence of which seems to have prizes, is no otherwise to be accounted for been known to every body, his Majesty's than by the mode in which many of the ministers alone excepted; and the peti- members of the House obtain seats therein, tioners further beg leave to represent to and especially by the introduction into the House, that, in considering the foreign the House of numerous placemen, penpolicy of the different administrations who sioners, and dependents on the minister have managed the war with France, they for the time being, whom the petitioners find, that, whereas on our entrance into humbly conceive to have an obvious inthe said war, all the great powers of Eu- terest in forbearing to condemn, when rope were in alliance with us, they are condemnation would remove from office now arrayed on the side of the enemy; those to whom they look up for fortune and that the general result of the present and influence; and the petitioners further long protracted hostilities is, that, notwith-beg leave to state, that this their opinion standing the most gallant exertions on the part of his Majesty's fleets and armies, the limits of France, instead of being contracted, are greatly extended, and that her power, instead of being checked, reigns paramount throughout almost the whole of Europe; and the petitioners, moreover, beg leave humbly to state, that their feelings on the above-mentioned

has of late been strongly confirmed, by the open defence of the system of parliamentary corruption which, during the last session of parlia.nent, was set up in the House, and which drew from the Speaker the memorable remark, that the practices so defended were practices at the mention of which our ancestors would have started with indignation and disgust; and that the

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