If things should be allowed to proceed as they have done hitherto-if it is seen that seats in the House of Commons are still bought and sold, and that bribery is still practised, the House would justify the clamour of the enemies to the constitution. It would abuse the just hopes and expectations of its constituents, and appear to have only deluded them with promises which it did not intend to perform. Earl Temple observed, that when specific | approbation of Bribery, and of their degrievances were brought forward, he was termination to adopt measures for checking most ready to admit that specific remedies it. ought to be considered. In that view, and that view only, was he a friend to reform, always opposed as he should be to general undefined changes, such as was demanded under what the public clamour designated parliamentary reform. He defended the privileges of the House of Commons, and protested against the principle of any subordinate court being allowed to decide upon them.-Ordered to lie upon the table. [BRIBERY BILL]. Mr. Charles Williams Wynn rose to move that the House should resolve itself into a Committee on the bill for the better prevention of Bribery. As the probable duration of the session might render it impossible for him to push the bill to any further stage till next year, he wished to take the present opportunity of stating its provisions, as well as some other regulations which he intended to propose in order that they might be fully considered before parliament again met. The prop and foundation of the House of Commons was public respect, which was not to be attained by weakness and cowardice falsely called conciliation, but by a firm adherence to its duty; and if one duty was more sacred and imperative than another it was that of constant and vigilant attention to cheek the inroads of corruption.-This attention must necessarily be unremitting, since it could scarcely be expected that the ingenuity of vice would not ultimately find means of invading any enactments which human wisdom could devise. To argue the principle of the bill, was, he felt, superfluous. It was an axiom of the constitution that the elections of mem- This had been the case with the act for bers to serve in parliament, should be free the prevention of Bribery introduced by from expence, and though some gentlemen the hon. member's ancestor (sir W. W. might in private pretend to justify cor- Wynn) in the 2nd of Geo. 2. One of ruption, he did not expect that any man its provisions which appeared at the time would have the courage to maintain that to be the best calculated to encourage the argument in the House of Commons. discovery and punishment of Bribery, had Others there were who considered Bribery since been converted into an engine for as an offence indeed against the laws, a cri- its concealment and protection. He meant men non turpe which exposed the perpe- that clause which provided that any per trator to certain penalties, but which was son discovering an act of bribery cominitnot in itself immoral or disgraceful.-Onted by another, should be indemnified for the contrary he must always maintain it to be a crime of a most aggravated nature against the constitution of this country, against morals and against religion. That some new regulations were necessary to enforce this principle was evident from the circumstances proved during the last session, circumstances which had manifested to the country that practices the most corrupt not only existed, but were carried on in the most barefaced manner. The House had then determined, perhaps wisely, that it would abstain from any enquiry into past offences, but would endeaYour to prevent their recurrence. In this view and in this view only did he consider the act passed in the last session as being of value, stript as it was of all those provisions which could render it efficient. It was a solemn pledge given by parliament to the people of their dis. all acts of the same nature which he had himself previously committed. Within the last 40 years it had been discovered that a person guilty of the most general and wholesale bribery, might, under this clause, protect himself from all the consequences of his crime, provided he should give information against any one of the unfortunate persons, whose votes he had purchased. In consequence numerous fraudulent actions had been commenced solely with this view, and members of parliament had stood forwards in courts of justice, prosecutors of those who had voted for them, and avowing with an unblushing counte. nance, that their object in so doing was to procure an indemnity for their past offences. He proposed, therefore, to limit this indemnity in future to the acts of bribery, which should actually be discovered by any witness, when examined by a competent authority, whether in a court of justice, or a Committee of the House of Commons. The necessary consequence of this, would be another clause impowering such court or Committee to compel an answer from any witness, even though it should disclose an act of bribery in which he himself had been concerned. of bribery, the standing order, which lis mitted the time for presenting petitions to fourteen days after the return should be received in the crown office. At present it was a common practice to delay the payment of bribes and settlement of accounts for treating, till after those fourteen days should have elapsed. Mr. Williams Wynn proceeded to par ticularize several regulations, which he intended to propose in a future session., By this means Committees of the House of Commons, would be enabled to drag He proposed that the writs for new forth to public view, the bribery of votes elections, should be forwarded by the geor the purchase of seats in Parliament, neral post office, instead of being entrusted however secretly the transaction might to private persons, who for their own obbe conducted, and persons who were im-jects frequently delayed their delivery. plicated in such practices, would be conscious that they could at no time be secure, since the accomplice of their crime might be compelled, unless he chose to incur the guilt of perjury, to reveal their offence. It would also be necessary to empower Committees to examine witnesses, although they should have signed the petition, complaining of an undue election, which the Committee were assembled to try, since it was become a common practice among persons who were averse to be examined, lest they should give evidence unfavourable to their own triends, to sign the petition merely in order to prevent the adverse party from calling them. Additional regulations would also be necessary to shorten the duration of polls, which might now be kept open for a borough containing 200 voters, as long as for the county of York; as it was held that the returning officer could not close the poll till the expiration of fourteen days, provided one voter came forward in each hour. No inconvenience could arise from vesting in either candidate a right to demand that the poll should at any time be closed unless twenty (or perhaps thirty) votes should be tendered within the next hour. With respect to county elections he felt that the greatest benefit would result from the proposal already given noHe should also propose that the right tice of by Mr. Brand, for taking the poll of petitioning against an undue election, in the different hundreds, if it should be on the ground of bribery, should be extend- found practicable, but that whatever might ed to all persons whatever, though nei- be the decision of the House on that subther voters or candidates for the seat inject, it would be proper to enable the question. sheriffs to encrease the number of books or polling places, which at present was much too limited. He next suggested the propriety of reviving the antient practice of election, by which, if two members were to be This had been the antient and constant usage of Parliament till the year 1784, at that time many groundless petitions were presented, the purpose of which, in some cases was only to entitle the petitioners to a seat under the gallery. Lord Gren-elected, and the shew of hands in favour of ville had in consequence introduced an act limiting the right of petitioning to candidates, or voters and giving costs in all cases where petitions should be found to be rivolous or vexatious. The latter provision, would, of itself, be sufficient for its object, and the utility of the repeal of the former, would be sufficiently manifest by adverting to the many cases which might occur of the sale of seats, where a borough was completely in one interest, and every individual voter implicated in the same offence. With the same view it might be necessary in a future session to alter in cases one candidate was unquestioned, he might be declared duly elected, although a poll should take place for the other seat. Many smaller provisions had likewise been found from experience desirable, with respect to the appointment of election committees, and the trials of controverted elections, especially with regard to the exchange of lists of votes objected to, the increase of the amount of recognizances for the due prosecution of petitions, and above all to facilitate the recovery of the costs where petitions are adjudged to be frivolous, and vexatious. Mr. Johnstone did not wish to enter into any discussion on the subject in its present | stage; he merely rose to observe, that he concurred with the ideas of the hon. gent., but differed as to the necessity of the remedies he proposed. He was not willing to adopt measures which were inconsistent with the law of the land. It had been said that the state of things in the House was now such, that our ancestors would have started with indignation," on the contrary, he would assert, that our an cestors were guilty of practices at which this House would shudder. It should be recollected that the members were in former times elected as in a common club, by ballot. The present was not a period of corruption, as so often asserted; he rather thought that it exceeded any former age in honesty and purity. 1 Mr. Brougham observed, that the reason why bribery did not now seem to be so extensive, was because it was carried on with greater cunning and more secretly. He, from experience, could assert, that in several boroughs there existed an organised system of bribery; from this bill therefore he augured much good to the country. He believed the not being able to compel a witness to give full evidence to be a chief cause of many evils. In case of great corruption existing in a borough, he would allow the neighbouring hundred to petition against it. He gave to his hon. friend the warmest thanks for the introduction of the bill. Before he sat down, he took the opportunity of noticing that a letter of his to some of his hon. friends near him, having been surreptitiously published, had caused much clamour in the north of the kingdom, and had occasioned many advertisements in the public papers accusing him of attacking the Scotch corporate rights. He now gave notice, that he would early in the ensuing session, submit the consideration of this subject to the House. Mr. Lockhart thought that the bribery Jaws in their present state, increased, rather than diminished the evil. The crime itself was generally committed by agents; he conceived it to attack the very vitals of the constitution. He felt himself bound to give his steady support to the present bill. Lord Porchester thought it would have been satisfactory to the House, had ministers given a pledge that they would further some measure for effectually preventing the effects of bribery, as it could not be thought that the mere paper bill, passed in the last session, could prove efficient to remedy the evils of which they complained, or even give them a satisfactory check. When revenue bills were passed every possible means were taken for rendering them effectual. This was stated to be necessary to the public service; but whenever a measure of this nature was brought forward, founded on a great constitutional principle, a wish to shrink from the subject was manifested on the part of his Majesty's government, though he contended they would find their true interest in giving it their support, and in putting an end to bribery altogether, When that question was before them, no middle course could with propriety be pursued, as such must ultimately end in disgrace and parliamentary reform, not that parliamentary reform contended for by the moderate and the wise, but that which would throw the nation into confusion. Sir S. Romilly expressed his entire concurrence with the general principle of the bill, and felt how important it was to the House and to the country, that such a measure should be passed. He could not but express surprise that those who en joyed his Majesty's confidence; should not be present at the discussion. The bill passed in the last session would be injurious to the cause rather than otherwise, if it were not followed up by some more effectual measure. He could not but express a wish that a moderate Parliamentary Reform might be effected: such a reform could alone prove beneficial to the country; any other must be attended with serious evils-with convulsions that might endanger the security of the country. Mr. Wharton defended the absence of ministers. He understood it to have been the intention of the hon. gent. merely to explain the principles of his bill, and thought it unnecessary at that time to detain his right hon. friends. Hereafter they would, he had no doubt, take an opportunity of offering some observations on it. He thought it was hard, when they gave it no opposition, that they should be censured for not remaining in the House to give their sentiments on it, when in its present stage their support could not further it. Mr. C. W. Wynn shortly replied, after which the House resolved itself into the Committee, in which the hon. gent. proposed, to prevent the evils alluded to by his hon. friend, that persons of the description he had spoken of, should give greater securities to prosecute than others. Mr. Brougham left it for the consideration of his hon. friend, if the provision he proposed to make would be sufficient to prevent the evil. He feared it would not, as such persons frequently extorted money by threats. After a few further remarks the House resumed, the report was brought up and ordered to be taken into further consideration on that day se'nnight. The Lord Chancellor, in his Majesty's name, delivered the following Speech : My Lords and Gentlemen, His Majesty has commanded us to acquaint you, that, as the public business is now concluded, he thinks it proper to put an end to the present session of Parliament. "We are commanded by his Majesty to express the satisfaction he derived from the reduction of the island of Guadaloupe by his Majesty's arms, an event which, for the first time in the history of the wars of Great Britain, has wrested from France all her possessions in that quarter of the world; and which, together with the subsequent capture of the only colonies in the West Indies which remained in the possession of the Dutch, has deprived his Majesty's enemies of every port in those seas, from which the interests of his Majesty, or the commerce of his subjects can be molested. "Gentlemen of the House of Commons, "His Majesty has commanded us to thank you for the liberal and ample supplies which you have granted for the services of the present year. [COLLEGE OF PHYSICIANS.] Mr. Prendergast rose to give notice of a motion for next session; and stated, that during the interval of the late adjournment of the House, a communication had been made to him on the subject of certain bye-laws and regulations that had been framed, and were now acted upon by the College of Physicians, to the merits of which, had there been sufficient time, he should certainly have felt it his duty to solicit the immediate attention of the House. He considered those bye-laws to involve a question of great public interest, as far as they affected the rights of some very metitorious and eminent professional gentlemen. As he could noton the eve of a prorogation, enter fully intothe subject,he should content himself with giving notice of a motion for next session on the subject, should they not in the interim, find it expedient to revise their code of bye-laws, and rescind those clauses, which had been represented to him, and he conscientiously believed were faithfully represented as unjust, vexatious, and highly objection-ed vigour în proportion as the enemy has able. HOUSE OF LORDS. Thursday, June 21. [THE LORDS COMMISSIONERS' SPEECH AT THE CLOSE OF THE SESSION.] About 3 o'clock, the archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor, the earl of Westmoreland, the marquis Wellesley, and the earl of Aylesford, took their seats as his Majesty's Commissioners. Mr. Quarme, the deputy usher of the black rod, was sent to the Commons to require their attendance. Shortly afterwards the Speaker and a number of members of the House of Commons, came to the bar. His Majesty's Commission giving the royal assent to certain bills, was read at the table by the clerk. The royal assent was notified in the usual form to the several bills. After which, VOL. XVII. His Majesty deeply regrets the necessary extent of the demands which those services have created; but we are commanded to express to you the consolation which he has derived from observing that the resources of the country, manifesting themselves by every mark of prosperity, by a revenue increasing in almost all its branches, and by a commerce extending itself in new channels, and with an increas in vain attempted to destroy it, have enabled you to provide for the expences of the year, without imposing the burden of any new taxation in Great Britain; and that, while the taxes which have been necessarily resorted to for Ireland, have been imposed upon articles which will not interfere with the growing prosperity of that country, you have found it consistent with a due regard to its finances, to diminish some of those burdens, and relax some of those regulations of revenue, which had been felt the most inconvenient in that part of the United Kingdom. "His Majesty further commands us to return you his thanks for the provision which you have enabled him to make for the establishment of his serene highness the duke of Brunswick. My Lords and Gentlemen, "His Majesty has directed us to ac3 E " His Majesty commands us to assure you, that he will not be wanting in the discharge of that duty; and his Majesty will always rely with confidence on the continued support of his loyal subjects, to enable him to resist with success the designs of foreign enemies, and to transmit unimpaired to posterity the blessings of the British constitution." quaint you, that Portugal, rescued from the oppression of the enemy, by the powerful assistance of his Majesty's arms, has exerted herself with vigour and energy in making every preparation for repelling, with the continued aid of his Majesty's forces, any renewed attack on the part of the enemy; and that in Spain, notwithstanding the reverses which have been experienced, the spirit of resistance against France still continues unsubdued and una-liament to Tuesday, the 21st of August, bated: And his Majesty commands us to assure you of his firm and unaltered conviction, that not only the honour of his throne, but the best interests of his dominions, require his most strenuous and persevering assistance to the glorious efforts of those loyal nations. "His Majesty has commanded us to recommend to you, upon your return to your respective counties, to use your best exertions to promote that spirit of order and obedience to the laws, and that general concord amongst all classes of his Majesty's subjects, which can alone give full effect to his Majesty's paternal care for the welfare and happiness of his people. His Majesty has the fullest reliance upon the affections of his subjects, whose loyalty and attachment have hitherto supported him through that long and eventful period, during which it has pleased Divine Providence to commit the interests of these dominions to his charge. His Majesty feels that the preservation of domestic peace and tranquillity, under the protection of the law, and in obedience to its authority, is amongst the most important duties which he owes to his people. A Commission for proroguing the Par was read; the Lord Chancellor, in his Majesty's name, and by virtue of the said Commission, declared the Parliament to be prorogued to Tuesday, the 21st of August next, to be then there holden. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Thursday, June 21. The Speaker took the chair at a quarter before 3 o'clock. The deputy usher of the black rod, summoned the House to the House of Peers, to hear Commissions read for passing bills, and the prorogation of Parliament. The Speaker attended by the members went up, and returned in about 20 minutes. He read the Speech as usual at the table to the several members, who immediately after separated.— Thus ended the Fourth Session of the Fourth Parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. [A List of the Public Acts passed during the Session, will be found at p. Ixxi, of the Appendix.] |