be blindly relied upon. And therefore I trust it may rouse them out of the supineness into which they have fallen upon this important subject, and lead them to rate their chronometers more often, and to turn to with a will at the hitherto avoided lunar observation.

The utter neglect of this useful observation is indeed lamentable, and I am not, I will venture to say, at all overstating the case, when I assert that to six out of ten of our junior officers now at sea, the lunar is a sealed book.

And how can it be otherwise? there is no temptation to them to study navigation when young! and when they are older they are unused to study, find it irksome, and avoid it as much as they can.

The present system of mercantile examination is spoiling them, and has been doing so for years! Originally established, I believe, because the old voluntary system failed in producing a sufficient number of certificated officers, (as I believe the higher certificates required high nautical knowledge for their attainment), it has led to the production of a class of officers who hold certificates indeed, but who get them at a very cheap rate.

A youth can get to sea for four years knowing nothing of navigation, and caring nothing for it during that time, yet come home at the end of it and "coach up" for a second mate's examination in a few days, for the amount of knowledge he will then have gained is such as an apprentice of one year's service ought to be ashamed of, if that were all he understood of navigation. It is laughed at by the candidates themselves.

But then, if the examination be at a low standard, the strictness of it causes dozens to be rejected, and some very justly so. Many of them know just so much as will enable them "to pass" and no more, having been "coached" for the purpose; but I have known dozens of instances in which a little relaxation of the reins would have saved a truly clever man from what is considered by a sensitive nature a deep degradation

I would not have the rigour of the examiner one jot abated where a candidate shows himself to be ignorant, and such candidates very quickly display their ignorance to a practised eye. But a certain amount of discretion should be allowed to the examiner when he sees a clever man making errors from excitement, perhaps caused by the unwonted presence of twenty or more fellow workers, and the awful sense of being under the examiner's eye, which to some men is exciting and overpowering to the highest degree.

I could quote instances from my own experience, of men who in their tutor's quiet room could work paper after paper without an error, yet rejected twice by the examiner. And this I believe to have been caused not so much by the examiner's own feelings, as by the necessity he seems to be under of rejecting men for wrong results, whether caused by excited feeling producing arithmetical errors, or the utter want of knowledge of the principles of the subject.

Why should not the royal naval system of allotting a certain number of good marks for each correct result, and striking off a certain number

for each incorrect one, be adopted here? In that case I would give the present requirements of a chief mate to the second mate; those of the master to the chief mate; while I would insert among those of the master an altitude of the moon, a double altitude and a lunar.

It is simply ridiculous to say it would be too hard. Any man who had been taught, as any youth who passes through a nautical academy is taught, the science of navigation, would scorn to admit that any thing was hard which was to be found in any "epitome." But there is the concealed sore which underlies the whole subject. Youths do not study navigation now as they did! I believe most teachers of that noble science will say, that for every one who is now taught before going to sea, or during the four years required to attain the second mate's certificate, ten come to them at the end of that period to be "couched" for passing their examination.

And finally, I think that the time which is allowed, viz., six hours on the Monday of each week might, well be lengthened for slow but correct workers, to whatever reasonable time on the Tuesday the candidate might require to finish his paper, and I venture to say that very few who went up to pass would need to claim the indulgence. All men are not equally quick, although one man may be as clever as another, and yet be rejected if he fail to finish his paper in the prescribed six hours.

There is at the present time a feeling rankling in the breast of mercantile officers, that they are unfairly dealt by at the examinations, in these matters, and I believe that the good men among them would willingly have more to do if the time were extended, and the system of marks introduced.

I believe that the present system will end in making ignoramuses of the greater number of the junior officers, and parrot-like learners of the seniors if it be continued for many years.

To the Editor of the Nautical Magazine.

I am, &c.
A. B. MARTIN.

The foregoing is a well merited tribute to Captain Toynbee. We consider that it contains a true picture of the condition in which the lunar problem has long remained the simple fact required to be impressed on the mind of the navigator, that errors of observation corrected themselves by those observations being taken on each side of the moon. To Captain Toynbee is justly due the credit of having pointed out this, and thereby shown the superiority of the lunar to the results of the chronometer, that it will even correct the chronometer. The lunar problem will now come with fresh and substantial claims to the attention of seamen, especially since the lunar tables have also been improved, and among the various methods proposed for c earing the distance, we may remind our leaders of Raper's, brought forward by Captain Shadwell, those of Admiral Bethune, Mr. Hebden, and Lieutenant Murray, R.N., in our two or three last volumes, besides others long established.

The remarks on the subject of examination are to the purpose. For before the examination of merchant officers was established it was generally understood that the commander and second officer of an E.I. ship should navigate her by lunars as well as by chronometers. But since government has sanctioned the command of the largest ships, full of life and property, without requiring lunars, officers have ceased to learn them, and as the old hands die out more and more ships will in consequence be lost.— ED.

CESAR'S INVASION OF BRITAIN."—Nautical conclusions on the place of his departure from Gaul, and that of his landing in Britain, By A. B. Becher, Capt. R.N.

The subject of Cæsar's invasion of Britain has been frequently discussed, with the view of forming a conclusion from the various theories advanced respecting it, both as to the place of his departure from Gaul, and that of his landing in Britain. A consideration of those discussions has led me to the conclusion that those places were Boulogne, and Lympne, a short distance west of Hythe.

It is generally admitted that the Portus Itius,† in Gaul, was the place of Cæsar's departure on both of his invading expeditions; which are also admitted as having taken place in the months of August, 55, and July, 54, previous to the Christian Era. The question then first to be answered is where was the Portus Itius, for on the position of that, the other will much depend.

Dunkerque, Gravelines, Calais, Wissant, Boulogne, and the mouth of the Somme, are severally advanced as being this Portus Itius, from among which, it appears that Boulogne has the most reasonable claim to that title, because

1. Boulogne was the port of the Morini country, from whence communication was usually carried on with Britain, being the most commodious port for that purpose.

2. Boulogne affords complete shelter (although a tidal harbour,) to all vessels inside of it, and those of Cæsar would especially require it; on his second and larger expedition, they were purposely built for him flat bottomed, and therefore drew very little water.

3. The distance of Boulogne from Britain agrees tolerably well with. that assigned by Cæsar for the Portus Itius.

4. Boulogne has Ambleteuse at a distance to the northward, corresponding nearly with that of a port alluded to by Cæsar, that would contain the eighteen vessels complained of as not following him on his first expedition.

5. Sanson's Atlas of 1641, contains a Latin map in which the limits of the Morini country are traced, and the position of the Itius Portius, or Gesoriacus is specified in that of Boulogne.

* Having met with the following paragraph in one of our daily prints, we throw these conclusions" into the Nautical arrived at some time ago.

The Emperor Napoleon is still actively engaged in writing the account of the conquest of Gaul by Julius Cæsar. He has sent one of his aides-de-camp to Boulogne-sur-mer, to ascertain the exact position of the Itius Portus. Antiquaries differ in opinion on this subject. According to Walkenaer that ancient Gallic port was Wissant. Others place it at Ambleteuse or at Boulogne. Others are of opinion that it was more to the North-at Calais or Mardyke. All these contested points are to be cleared up in the Emperor's work."

+ Itus or Itio.-Ainsworth's Thesaurus gives it as "a going a voyage or journey, or travelling." Hence our itinerary, itinerant, &c.

6. Although a tidal harbour, Boulogne has an area with Ambleteuse and Etaples, that would admit of the embarkation of Cæsar's large army methodically conducted as it would be.

And it appears besides that the preponderance of opinion mentioned by the French author Marette, when writing on Boulogne, was in favour of this being the Portus Itius, as confirmed by Sanson's map.

Such are the reasons for concluding that Boulogne was the Portus Itius of the Morini promontory, from whence Cæsar departed on his expeditions to invade England. It may be observed here, as shewing the theory of the Somme to be untenable on one account, that the exposed character of that estuary, with an opening of three miles to the full effect of the sea, would admit of so much wave running into it, that it would not afford, like Boulogne, the shelter required for Cæsar's ships.

Before proceeding with the reasons on which the second conclusion is founded, the subject of the tide claims attention, because a wrong view of it seems to have led to the conclusion which had established Deal as the landing place.

Cæsar having departed from the Portus Itius on his expedition, (we will take the first) after midnight, for it was in the third Roman watch, being from twelve to three, arrives at ten a.m. the next morning (27th of August) off the shores of Britain. He drops anchor and so remains until three p.m.

There was probably more than one reason for this. One certainly was to wait for his slow ships to join him; another to avoid being drifted by the tide which was then setting to the eastward. And perhaps the opportunity was taken by him for communicating to his leading officers the position and approaches to the place selected for landing, from the information supplied to him by Volusenus, whom he had sent to reconnoitre the coast, and on which duty this officer was absent five days. It may be safely concluded that the usual port of landing in Britain, would not be overlooked by an officer employed on such a mission.

Now the tidal question having been wrongly answered, has confirmed a wrong conclusion, which affects of course the question of this landing place. When the ships at three p.m. left their anchorage, the tide is stated to have been then running to the eastward; whereas on the contrary it had been setting to the westward for about an hour and a half,* and would continue to do so for several hours longer, and was therefore favourable for going West past Folkstone, instead of East, towards Deal. It is not necessary to go further into this part of the subject, since Admiral Beechey's tables make it perfectly clear. Thus an eastern port for the landing place on our coast is set aside.

On the 27th of August, 1859, by the tide tables, it was high water at Dover, (being the 4th day before full moon,) at 7h. 31m. a.m., and therefore low water about 2h. p.m. But an hour and a half before low water, the current of ebb tide in the Strait that had been running eastward was then setting westward, and continues to do so with the remainder of the ebb, and also

It is very well known that considerable changes have taken place on the coast about Romney, which coast must not be looked at in these days for its condition nineteen centuries ago, in the time of Cæsar. History tells us that even the course of a river has been changed, and we know that ships cannot get near Lympne, which place was approached by a creek. But in ancient times the whole flat of Romney was intersected by creeks, and from the evidence under consideration, it appears to be more than probable that Cæsar adopted the usual landing place, at or close to Lympne.

For, in reference to the size of his ships, built purposely for his second expedition, it may be observed that those which were saved from a severe easterly gale, were afterwards all of them hauled up on dry land, (an operation performed in ten days,) and were guarded most closely, as on them could he only depend safely for the means of returning to Gaul with the remainder of his army. This he was ultimately compelled to do, making two voyages with them. But the depth of water in which such ships would float, would favour his penetrating through creeks and shoal channels, on a shore where the rise of tide amounts to 20 feet.

The reasons for concluding that Lympne Creek was really Cæsar's landing place in this country are these: because—

1. The time occupied by the passage from Portus Itius (Boulogne) about nine hours, taking the time of departure as one o'clock in the third watch, admits only of somewhere in the Strait of Dover being the anchoring place of Caesar's ships.

2. With the wind and tide in his favour, Cæsar proceeded from thence to the westward, and the cliffs of Folkstone, on which the Britons were observed following him, would then be on his right hand.

3. The short passage to Lympne Creek would allow sufficient time, after making it, for running the ships on shore in smooth water, to have the encounter as related with the Britons before night.

4. The position of Lympney (Lemanis) being preserved in Sanson's map before mentioned, with no other names than that of Dover near it, shows that it was a place of importance in ancient times. Certainly its sheltered creek, free from all disturbance of the waves, would render it a quiet commodious landing-place for Cæsar's army. For the same reason it was very probably resorted to as the usual port of communication with Boulogne-each being the common port of transit or embarkation for the other.

5. That such was the case derives a certain amount of confirmation from the circumstance of 250 ships, in A.D. 893, (more than nine centuries later than Cæsar's time,) having landed “ a great army of

through some four hours of the following flood, according to the tables of Admiral Beechey, compartment vi, page 127, of Admiralty Tide Tables for 1862, tidal streams of the English Channel; and we are led to conclude from him that this extends over the whole strait. The whole subject has been also ably discussed in a little work by T. Lewin, Esq., published in 1859, intitled The Invasion of England by Julius Cæsar."