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through wooden conduits into the village, and there filters through long ranges of billets of wood, which collect the salt. For visitors the lake is illuminated, and there is a boat upon it, in which those who wish, may make a voyage, very much like that which “poets write of,” with old Charon. There are thirty-two of these lakes. We made our exit by a boarded passage, a mile in length, upon a little carriage drawn by men, and at the end is a cottage, where we left our dresses, and finished one of the inost amusing expeditions I ever made.

We embarked on the Danube at Linz with our carriage at mid-day of July 5th. The voyage was pleasant; but the Danube, as far as we saw, is not to be compared with the Rhine for beauty of scenery; in size it is much superior. We saw some ruins, but none of interest; the towns presented nothing remarkable: there were some magnificent-looking con

Now and then the scenery was good, but in general the country is flat and unvaried. We slept at a poor little inn, and landed the next afternoon. I believe the Danube above Linz is more interesting.

We have staid at this place longer than we intended, not that there is much to see, but the lounging life we lead with a very agreeable little society of our countrymen, we find a wholesome change, and it gives us time to digest what we have seen, which I find highly necessary, for one thing had begun to drive out another for some time past. Most of our party play at tennis, and we ride, dine, and sup together every day. I like the way of living here very much; we dine about three o'clock, and on few dishes, get excellent beef-steaks and genuine beer and very pleasant wine, principally from Hungary, and have enjoyable little suppers—excellent pickled trout, and cray-fish as large as little lobsters. The English are very popular here, and we find every disposition to court us. For three Saturdays our party have gone to Baden, remaining till Monday. It is an ex

derate way,

tremely neat little town, fifteen miles off, with hot sulphureous springs. The Emperor and the whole imperial family are there, living, and walking about in the most simple style; they are very popular. On Sundays they are all to be seen on the promenade, in a valley something in the style of the scenery at Matlock. The concourse is large, and the costumes various, both European and Oriental. Young Napoleon walks with the Emperor, and, singular enough, the valley is called St. Helena. There is nothing remarkable about Vienna. The city within the walls does not contain more than 80,000 inhabitants. All the houses have a good appearance, there are no beggars, nor indeed any nuisance whatever, that I have seen. The suburbs contain about 170,000 inhabitants. The people of all ranks seem much given to enjoy themselves in a peaceable and mo

way, and they appear to have the means at command. For public and private gardens, promenades and places of recreation, they are particularly well off. On Sundays the Prater, which is the Hyde Park of Vienna, but much larger, is like a fair, and the villages in the neighbourhood seem so many places of entertainment. The government is a paternal despotism, the policy of which is to keep the people in good humour, and to prevent them from thinking. The police superintend every thing, even as to which side of a bridge you are to walk upon, and no one is allowed to bathe in an immense public bath there is, and still less in the Danube, until he has proved his ability to swim-a rope being tied round his body, and a policeman holding one end of it. I have seen this with my own eyes. The Austrian system I take to be nearly perfect in its kind; but it is not a kind to my free-born English taste, and though, under the circumstances, I have passed a most agreeable month here, I have no wish to repeat my visit

[In my only remaining letters, one from Munich, the other from Paris, I find nothing I think worthy of extraction; I hope my readers will not have thought the same of the preceding letters.]

SAYINGS.

If any man possessed every qualification to succeed in life, it is probable that he would remain perfectly stationary. The consciousness of his powers would tempt him to omit opportunity after opportunity to the end of his days. Those who do succeed, ordinarily owe their success to some disadvantage under which they labour, and it is the struggle against a difficulty, that brings facilities into play.

Ordinary men are often ruined by an over-estimate of their own powers; extraordinary men are kept back by the opposite error. They calculate remote difficulties, instead of advancing to them; and if they trusted to their resources, they would find no obstacle to be insurmountable.

In general the difficulty of doing any thing chiefly lies in preparing to do it—in the proper training, or acquiring an apt disposition of mind and body. What it is difficult to do in one state, it is difficult not to do in another; and this applies equally to the exercise of physical and mental faculties, to running or fighting, to speaking or composing. Plutarch says of Paulus Æmilius, that he made little account of beating an enemy, compared with the bringing of his army to strict discipline; for he thought the one a certain consequence of the other. It is skill and resolution in acquiring the proper

disposition to action, that make life easy. This disposition is what is termed alacrity, and its opposite is that distressing repugnance, denominated nervousness, both depending upon the state of the digestive powers. Under one influence existence is a perpetual source of pleasure, and under the other an exhibition of pitiable weakness. These two states depend greatly upon natural constitution, but no less perhaps upon our own care.

Published monthly with the Periodicals, stitched in a wrapper.

IBOTSON AND PALMER, PRINTERS, SAVOY STREET, STRAND.

BY THOMAS WALKER, M.A.

TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.

BARRISTER AT LAW, AND ONE OF THE POLICE MAGISTRATES OF THE METROPOLIS

PUBLISHED EVERY WEDNESDAY AT 12 O'CLOCK BY H. RENSHAW,

356, STRAND, NEARLY OPPOSITE WELLINGTON STREET.

No. XIV.) WEDNESDAY, AUG. 19, 1835. [Price 3d.

Contents :

Grumblers.

Domestic Economy of the

Labouring Classes.

DOMESTIC ECONOMY OF THE LABOURING

CLASSES.

I shall make no apology for devoting so large a portion of this number to one subject; first, because of its great interest and importance; and secondly, because I wish to give, at one view and in the most compact forin, the following recently written observations, practically illustrated by a document, which was the result of a very careful investigation. The greatest evils, perhaps, under which the lower classes labour, arise from ignorance of domestic economy. It is certainly below the mark to say that, on an average, labourers' families might live much better than they now do, for one-third less expense.

Waste and uncomfort are but too often the chief characteristics of their management--the bitter consequences of which are strife, sickness, debt, misery, recklessness, and crime. Their purchases are often bad in quality, small in quantity, and high in price ; their meals wasteful and un

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wholesome; their clothes neglected, and every thing about them destitute of arrangement. There are many causes, which conspire to keep up this state of things. First, the want of efficient local government, having for its basis moral influence. The majority of mankind are, as it were, out of the pale of systematic discipline, and it is marvellous that their neglected state is not productive of worse consequences to themselves and the rest of the world. Secondly, the means which are adopted to remedy the evils of neglect, only tend in principle to aggravate and perpetuate them, and the endless institutions, miscalled charitable, with which the land is covered, by furnishing so many substitutes for prudence, diminish the necessity for prudence itself, and, in defiance of morals and religion, reduce human beings below the standard of their nature. Thirdly, it has ever been the policy of government to sacrifice the people to considerations of revenue, to raising soldiers and sailors, and to the preservation of their own influence against their opponents—sometimes with a specious show, in the latter

particular, of pursuing an opposite course. Fourthly, what has been the policy of government is in reality the policy of every party, because party can only exist by popular debasement, brought about and fostered by flattery and falsehood, just as a purpose is to be accomplished. Fifthly, there is a notion very prevalent amongst the upper classes, that in order to be able to command the quantity of labour they require, it is necessary to keep the labouring classes in a state of dependence, or bordering upon it, and, though this unchristian feeling is no doubt frequently disguised to those who entertain it, yet their actions constantly correspond with its influence, even when they appear to be dictated by disinterested kindness. It is a very narrow and short-sighted view to suppose, that independence resulting from prudence, could produce any other than the most beneficial consequences, though it is perhaps impossible to calculate beforehand the full extent of those consequences on the general state of society. We see

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