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principles of true Christianity, I would send all the missionaries, not to the Congo, but to school first, where they could learn the A B C of religion. There aave always been, and still are, amongst us, men who would make good schoolmasters, and who could form good moral civilisers, but the present specimens and the unseemly squabbles between Catholics and Protestants are as distressing as they are ridiculous. See how well we are getting on in Egypt, where we simply teach the natives to be decent shop-keepers, that is, as decent as we are ourselves. They are too strong for

and they find they can go through the process of being civilised as easily with the Koran in hand as they would with the Bible ; and so, there, as in India, we leave 'well alone,' and are successful. Above all, I would wish the pressure of public opinion, and the voice of the public conscience to be so great and so loud that our representatives must be honest and moral. It is not by abstaining—if abstinence were possible in the case of Africa-that we shall further the cause of progress ; it is by acting, ever with less selfishness and with more uprightness.


France were to adopt a conciliatory attitude in the matter, Germany, threatened as she is by increasing difficulties, would clearly perceive that “to hold an armed camp in an enemy's country is not always the best means of obtaining security against possible aggression."

We are indebted for this information to the Etats Unis d'Europe, which has published the preface in question at full length, and we therefore presume that its editor, M. Emile Arnaud, President of The League of Peace and Liberty, as a Frenchman, looks favourably on the suggestion. We should be glad to learn how it will be regarded by German Liberals.

A proposal like this, thus approved by a man of statesmanlike abilities, must make everyone exclaim, “Oh! that this might be true.” What a weight would be taken from all Europe, from peoples and rulers alike, if the secret were at last found of delivering the nations from the awful peril which has so long threatened them.




A PAMPHLET has appeared at Brussels with the

AN INTERNATIONAL TRIBUNAL. above title, and it contains a valuable preface by that distinguished writer on economic and political science, M. le Comte Goblet d’Alviella,

A NEW PROPOSAL, BY SIR EDMUND member of the Belgian Senate. The pamphlet

HORNBY. contains a careful examination of the question We desire to call the special attention of our whether France has shown a disposition to readers to the following masterly essay which accept any settlement of the Alsace-Lorraine Sir Edmund Hornby has forwarded to the Peace dispute, other than that of war. The Count Society, and which, together with the covering observes that all Europe is interested in this letter, we reprint from the Herald of Peace. question, inasmuch as another war between We trust that our readers will give it their France and Germany might easily become a most careful attention, and we shall be glad to general war, and involve even the neutral receive comments and criticisms on the scheme. states, like Belgium. He further points out We hope in a future number to discuss the that the situation has become far more mena

plan in detail. We only add now that the cing since an understanding has been entered following account of Sir Edmund Hornby's into between France and Russia, for that puts official career shows that he is eminently an end to all the security for the preservation qualified to prepare a scheme for a tribunal, of the status quo, provided by the Triple and that any opinions of his on the subject are Alliance. He then reviews the several pro- entitled to great respect. posals which have been made with the object of bringing about an arrangement which would Having been previously called to the Bar, Sir satisfy both France and Germany, and states E. Hornby was appointed, by H.M. Governthat he himself has always considered the ment, one of the Commissioners in the mixed neutralisation of the two provinces to be the most British and American Commission, under the efficacious of the remedies proposed. He gives Convention of 1853, for the settlement of various reasons, however, for thinking that it would outstanding claims between the United States not be accepted, and suggests a solution which and Great Britain. In 1855 he was constituted would be more practicable-viz., "the military a Commissioner, on behalf of England, to conneutralisation of the territory in dispute." trol the expenditure of the Turkish Loan. He “The essential object to be attained, even

also became Judicial Assessor at the Consulate from the French point of view, is the re-entry General at Constantinople. During the period of Alsace-Lorraine into political unity with the of the Crimean War he was the sole Arbitrator fatherland, not the preservation of fortresses or in all the claims and disputes arising between the quartering of battalions.” As to the view the British Government and the contractors for which Germany would take of the proposal, M. supplies to the Army in the East. From 1857 Goblet d'Alviella reminds us that they have to 1864 he was Judge of the Supreme Consular always alleged strategic reasons as their justifi- Court of the Levant, at Constantinople. In cation for the occupation. He adds, that if 1862 he received the honour of knighthood, and in 1865 he became Judge of the Supreme

tribunal to enforce its decrees. In answer to this Court of China and Japan. After this dis- latter argument it may be said there is absolutely no tinguished official career he retired on a pension the other day by the good sense of the English

behind the arbitration tribunal, constituted only

power in 1876.

and United States Governments, to enforce upon either party to the convention submission to its

decrees. Yet no one in the whole civilised world THE LETTER.

would be bold enough to doubt that the decree "TO THE SECRETARY OF THE PEACE SOCIETY. will be accepted and obeyed, or to hint even that the “Lensdon House, Ashburton.

agreement has not been entered into in perfect good "DEAR SIR,—I send you a paper which I have

faith, and will be fully carried out. The question sub

mitted also is one which so nearly touches the patriotic written, with a desire that the subject of it should be broached and ventilated.

sensibilities of both nations, and is itself so difficult of “When I was in Germany last year, I mentioned

decision, that if anything can justify an appeal to arms the matter to several influential men, and they thought

it would, since it involves a point of jurisdiction never it at least worthy of attention, and were especially

yet raised, still less determined ; a point which from struck with the idea of founding an international

the United States point of view, touches its sovereignty college for the creation of a modern system of inter

almost as much as an infringement of its territory, to

say nothing of alleged acquiescence and long user ; national law. To my mind such a system will best grow out of an international tribunal. The best part

and from the point of view of England, an interference of our law, and indeed of all law, is judge-made law.

with its right, hitherto unquestioned, of free user for all Its merit being its adaptibility to the ever-varying

legitimate purposes, of the high seas. conditions of society, and in its reference to and enun

If the real and primary causes of the chief wars that ciation of principles.'

have from time to time devastated Europe and thrown “ Make whatever use of it you like.

back civilisation and development are investigated, it « The subject is to me à most interesting one.

will be found that, apart from those of purely dynastic Throughout my career I have had a great deal to do

interest, they have, with but few unimportant excepwith international questions, arbitrations, &c., and am

tions, originated in the vanity and greed of rulers—the convinced that governments would, far more readily

desire for extension of territory-jealousy of influence than is imagined, refer matters, often in their inception

exercised by powerful States over minor States-pereasy of settlement, to a tribunal, if one existed, so

sonal pique on the part of diplomatic agents-fancied constituted as to ensure impartial judgments based on

insults or more or less unfounded suspicions—the irri. recognised principles. It must, however, be beyond

tating comments of irresponsible writers in the public the reach of suspicion and of the highest rank and

press-abuse of the right of asylum by political influence.

refugees, or from the necessity which sovereigns, "" The smaller States would welcome it as a pro

absolute as well as constitutional, have felt, to divert tectorate. The larger ones, is England, Germany, and

by war the attention of their subjects from matters of Italy would fall in with the idea, would soon come

internal reform. Few, if any, have arisen from differround. I have reason to hope that the Emperor

ences on tariff, or commercial questions. Yet these of Germany would welcome it. In talking the

often involve matters of the gravest import to the most matter over with two distinguished ministers, one

vital interest of nations. No doubt in the past many a Frenchman and the other a Russian, whose

causes would have rendered the settlement of such names I am not at liberty to mention, they both

differences by any form of arbitration difficult, if not said they dreaded reference, for arbitration, to

impossible. Now, however, education and a better zovereigns and commissions, because it was impossible

knowledge by the people of the position in which to calculate or foresee the influence of interests'

rulers and governments stand towards those they rule political, diplomatic, or private ; but that if a tribunal or govern, has to a great extent prevented, and will could be constituted, of international weight, above all

in the future, to a still greater extent, prevent these suspicion, and that would act on 'principle,' their

arbitrary and ill-conditioned causes culminating in objections would disappear.

The sacrifices and sufferings endured by the « Details could be settled easily. What I want is to

people, the vast expense incurred by each belligerent, invite discussion and attention.

crippling their respective countries for generations, has, “ Yours sincerely,

particularly of late years, been brought home to the “EDMUND HORNBY.”.

people in a way foreign to all past experience. Sovereigns and ministers have been made to feel in their own

persons the full weight of the popular displeasure, and THE ESSAY.

the knowledge thus acquired, and the experience thus The wise determination of the Governments of Eng- gained by both peoples and rulers, must tend to land and the United States of America to submit the

diminish the most frequent and unjustifiable causes of long pending dispute relative to the Seal Fisheries in the Behring Seas to arbitration suggests the possibility There is, however, another and perhaps more potent of determining all international questions, of sufficient reason why wars should not be rashly undertaken, and importance, to some impartial tribunal of a similar therefore will not be so undertaken. No belligerent character. Of course it will be said that nations will can now ever forecast the issue of a war. Victory no not, except perhaps in very exceptional cases, give up

longer rests as a certainty, with the stronger. The their right to determine for themselves, and by force of weaker has now positive chances in its favour. It may, army, if necessary, the question of their rights and it is true, lose at the outset a battle, or see a portion of wrongs—that human nature must change before such its territory in the occupation of its enemy; but then an ideal state of perfection cau be hoped for, in which steps in a combination—not necessarily an armed force people, sovereigns, and governments will submit to the -þut one ready to arm and with crushing power to dictation of any human tribunal, however perfect its overthrow and to humiliate. constitution, or whatever guarantees it might offer for Cariously enough, this combination is seldom a force an impartial decision-and that, if even they could be moved by pity or inspired by jealousy or righteous persuaded to forego the arbitrament of war, or the indignation, but one moved simply by a determination luxury of testing by brute strength their infallibility, -for which it would be puzzled to offer any reason there would be, and could be, no power behind the but an untrue or a sentimental one-that the struggle



shall stop, that the shedding of blood shall cease, and territory acquired be evacuated. The farce of a congress may be gone through, but each belligerent knows the moment hostilities are thus forcibly suspended that the last thing to be taken into consideration will probably be the cause of the quarrel or the rights of the parties. Thus arbitrament by war is not long likely to be a favoured method, even with the masters of legions, of solving a difficulty, vindicating a right, or avenging a wrong. There is always the unseen possible combination in the background, possessed of an irresistible capacity for frustrating the best laid plan, and of changing certainty into uncertainty, and this at the cost of a few sheets of dispatch paper.

This possibility, or probability, would in itself, then, seem to be a sufficient deterrent to the undertaking of costly wars; but unfortunately it is not, and precisely because it is only a possibility, or a probability. It is chance, and chance is a prime factor which nations and rulers, as well as individuals, love to discount.

This “chance" justifies also in the sight of rulers the maintenance of huge standing armies, which necessitate ever-increasing taxation, and drains the life-blood of nations by withdrawing from industry—the only true source of wealth and culture—the youth and vigour of a country. To maintain the discipline of an armed force it is necessary to employ its energy somehow, or, at least, to keep prominently before it, the chance of its employment becoming necessary. Hence the imminency of war becomes a necessity-disturbing every social, intellectual, and industrial occupation, which, reacting on "capital,” causes it to shrink from assisting any species of enterprise, from which it cannot withdraw itself at a moment's notice.

Moreover, there are dangers in large standing armies, and especially in those maintained by "conscription,' which sovereigns, rulers, and governments must take note of. In these times they are a standing menace to all government–a nation of citizens accustomed to discipline, the use of arms, and alive to the advantages of concerted and combined action-constitute a force in times of popular excitement, especially on questions affecting the masses, such as Socialism or labour troubles, which even popular governments would do well to take into consideration. A small highly disciplined and well-paid force is always a loyal force, and can always be reckoned on to support authority, often only too devotedly. Opposed to a discordant undisciplined mob—-no matter how fanatic-it is irresistible; but it is powerless to reeist such a force when trained to arms, with leaders (and some are sure to come to the front on the emergency arising) accustomed to command and enforce obedience. Such mobs are more dangerous than a disbanded army, because they fight for a principle, however absurd a one, and not for mere loot or lust of blood, and have, moreover, a nation at their back instead of opposed to them.

Owing, perhaps, to its quasi-insular position, but more largely to the good sense and confident patriotism of its people, the United States has never kept up a large standing army or navy, yet no people on the face of the earth have convinced other nations of their power at such little cost. No other nation has shown itself more ready to avenge an insult or to maintain a right, yet a large standing army has not been found necessary to maintain the unity or integrity of its national life.

The Arbitration Convention then, to which reference has been made, furnishes a precedent on which to establish an “International Court of Arbitration," to which all questions that are likely, or may be likely, from the mode in which they may be discussed, to culminate in war, should stand automatically referred. It will only be necessary to adopt the main principles which underlie that convention to establish a basis on which a permanent tribunal shall stand, as on a rock.

That convention, however, has not the mere settlement of an isolated dispute in view. It seeks, by the appointment of the eminent jurists—selected jurists, be it remarked, brought up under different systems of law --for the enunciation of some principle of “international law," which shall rule in the future, all decisions involving similar points. Notwithstanding the many learned works which eminent jurists have written on the interesting subject of the “ Law of Nations,” they have failed in producing a system of “international law” which recommends itself to the sense of modern nations, or which is either suited to the marked development that has taken place in juridical science, or to the vast change that has crept over the popular mind in regard to the principles which should regulate not only the rights but the intercourse of nations. It is in vain to search the pages of Ayala or Grotius, of Puffendorf, or of Ulpian or Gaius, for some guiding principle to which reasonable exception cannot be taken, to decide such points of jurisdiction, &c., as are submitted to the arbitrators under the Behring Sea Convention, and mainly because the conditions of things have altered. Who, for instance, in the time of these learned publicists would have dreamed of a necessity arising for the protection of the denizens of the sea? Who could have foreseen that a demand for a mere article of fashion could threaten the extinction of a whole race of amphibia, or that the appliances for such wholesale destruction would, in the face of dangers and natural obstructions, be so brought to perfection, or be so wantonly applied, as to ensure the annual slaughter of millions upon millions of fur-coated seals ? Yet the same necessity may, and probably will, arise in the near future in the determination of the right of those seagirt nations whose outlying islands, estuaries, bays, and rivers are the spawning and feeding grounds of whole races and families of fishes and animals which; when in the open sea, are claimed as the common property of all mankind to use or abuse as it may seem


On this subject the judgment of the arbitrators will, without doubt, lay down principles of law and reason which will be accepted as binding, not only by the United States and England, but by the whole civilised world. In other words, it will, on the points submitted, create, or, if one exists, enunciate with authority, a branch of “international law.” What, then, the Behring Seas Convention seeks to and will accomplish by means of a limited international arbitration, a general “international court” may, and certainly will if established, accomplish as regards the creation or enunciation of a whole system of international law, in a way and under conditions of success never hitherto attempted or perhaps scriously thought of

The constitution of the Court of Arbitration established by the Convention, as well as the procedure to be observed, furnishes an admirable ground work on which to raise the superstructure of an international court.

It provides, on a small scale, exactly those conditions of success which will ensure success when applied to a larger sphere of action. The arbitrators are men of varied nationalities—of the highest reputation-jurists, and not mere lawyers or advocates, statesmen, not in the sense of either theoretical doctrinaires or practical politicians, but in the sense of men who have lived in the world, who have taken an active part in all questions which affect the prosperity of countries and peoples, who are familiar with, because they have shared, the wants, difficulties, necessities, and aspirations alike of those who rule and those who submit to rule from a sense of the necessity of rule-men on whom responsibility lies heavily, who have a keen appreciation, not only; of the importance, but of the difficulties attending the

adequate performance of the honourable task they nate, for a period of at least ten years, a member, not bave undertaken-men, doubtless, imbued with strong necessarily of its own nationality, and certainly not in patriotic feelings, but to whom the whole world is kith the character of a representative, but in that of a perand kin, and not mere sections of the world —and whose sonality in which it places confidence, founded on a honour and reputation is not alone their own, but the recognition of those qualities which are the disproperty of the world. They are not mere citizens of tinguishing characteristics of the arbitrators appointed the country in which they were born, or whose sympa- under the Behring Seas Convention, it being left open thies are confined to a narrow circle of a nation's bound- to the nations of the second and third ranks to nominate aries, but men who are citizens of the world. That such a member or to decline to do so, whilst giving in their men have been found is an earnest that the world is adherence as consenting parties to the general scheme. not wanting in them, although it may be necessary in a The locality of the Tribunal should be permanent permanent Court of Arbitration to find still further

and on quasi-neutral ground. No better place could be guarantees for impartiality-to place the members selected than one of the Swiss Cantons-central as a beyond the possibility of temptation to which the

place of residence and blessed with a good climateFirest and best men have yielded—and to make it the Confederate Government of Switzerland being worth their while to withdraw, at the height of their

appointed guardians of this tribunal or college, and pover, from the legitimate pursuit of honourable am- likewise the depositaries and administrators of the subbition within the limits of country and friends. What scribed funds for the payment of salaries and the is wanted is for them to build up a system of inter- disbursement of all expenses. The site of the tribunal national law, whilst deciding without favour or affec- or college and its grounds (by whatever name the tion upon a series of single issues which may in their

institution be called) should be declared extracharacter of international exponents of the laws of territorial, and the persons of its members and staff nations be submitted to them—to form, in short, at inviolate, and invested with the privileges usually once a college and a court.

accorded to ambassadors. The title of the members Entitled as the arbitrators on the Behring Sea might be the old and honoured one of " senators,", or Commission are to the confidence and trust reposed in of jurisconsults—their rank, when they appeared in them, they are, nevertheless, in a false position. public, being nominally fixed as equal to the highest, Appointed ad hoc, they are thé “representatives,” the except that of a sovereign ruler. They should be nominees, of the government of their respective solemnly absolved from allegiance to any earthly Power, countries. They are all more or less in and on service. be unable to accept, not only during office but during It is impossible to calculate to what extent the wishes, life, any title, rank, decoration, or place from anyone. feelings, desires, or interests of their governments may They should be required to be in residence nine be enlisted, or what complications those governments months in the year in the canton selected, or in the may foresee, or what bearing or effect they may think college itself, or within one hundred miles of it, prothe decision, one way or the other, may have on those vided that the country selected was not that of their interesta International politics and relations may birth. Their salaries should not be less than £10,000 a Eiert influences which ought to be wholly absent. year, paid, not by the Government nominating them, but With every desire, every determination to be impartial, out of the common subscribed fund--a retiring pension, to decide and judge without fear, favour, or affection,

if not re-nominated at the expiration of ten years, it is almost hopeless to expect that these interests and being granted to them of £3,000 a year from the same relations will not, unwittingly to the arbitrators them

fund. zelves, produce results. At any rate, if there should be The amount to be raised must necessarily depend on any want of unanimity, if the judgment should be that the cost of the building and its surroundings, and on of a majority only, public opinion will certainly attri- the number of senators and staff. To defray the first bute it to this pressure, invisible as it may be, of such item of cost would probably require a contribution of influences, and it will be without weight as an exposi- £100,000 or £150,000 from each first-class Power, half tion of the principles of public law. Hence the impor- those amounts from a second-class Power, and onetance--the paramount importance-of a “ tribunal third from a third-class Power. Assuming that twentybeing, by its very constitution, beyond the reach alike one Powers of all ranks gave in their adherence, two of such suspicions and such influences.

millions would thus be raised, and for the annual The procedure prescribed may also be followed with maintenance of the institution, pensions, &c., £200,000 advantage. Outside the arbitrators, and wholly inde- a year would be required, which eight contributions of pendent

of them, the agents of the respective countries £20,000 a year each, six ditto of £5,000, and seven will each prepare the case and arguments to be sub- ditto of £2,500 a year would more than supply, mitted to the tribunal, which is located in a neutral although, in view of eventualities, it would be wiser to capital, and a time is fixed within which the case is to raise a capital sum from which an income by way of an be presented, and argued, and judgment thereon

passed. annuity of at least £200,000 a year could be obtained. It is simplicity itself.

But whatever the amount necessary, it would be The si scheme” of an “international tribunal,” | insignificant in comparison to the cost of even a single however, requires a little more elaboration. Nations petty war. must be invited to divide themselves—as indeed they The court or college would thus be created at the cost are now diplomatically divided--into three ranks, not of the subscribing Powers in proportion to their rank, because their sovereignty as nations is incomplete, or

and be worthy in point of extent, accommodation and their equality as independent nations unrecognised, but architectural beauty of the object it is founded to simply because their position, size, material strength, attain. It should be laid out in the form of a vast and therefore influence, as also their mercantile and college or club, at some distance

from the busy haunts productive interests, are small in comparison with those of men, capable of accommodating at least 150 persons, of others , and therefore not so likely to involve them inclnding staff and servants

, with guest rooms for in disputes ; and because also it would be unfair that advocates, and surrounded by hundreds of acres of they ahould contribute anything like the same propor- ample grounds dedicated to exercise and health. tion of the expense attending the foundation of main- The chief secretary, whose appointment should be tenance of an institution, either in its character of an vested in the senators, should have no rank outside " international tribunal” or of a “college” they may the precincts of the institution, but be entitled to the seldom be called on to invoke. Before the tribunal, privileges of the senators, and during office be subject however, they would rank, on a footing of perfect to their disabilities. The appointment should be for equality. Each nation would then be invited to nomi. ' life, subject only to recision on a two-third vote

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of the senators, the salary, £5,000 a year, with a course, special reference to them. When this has retiring pension of £2,500. Under this officer should been done within a fixed time, then each senator will be placed the general staff of the institution, and he settle his own final judgment, and place it in the same alone should be the medium of communication with receptacle for printing ; and when printed the chief the adhering governments, it being contrary to the secretary will count the judgments in favour of, or first principle under which such an institution is against, the interested parties to the arbitration, the founded that any senator should, under any circum- majority becoming the judgment of the tribunal, stances, hold communication with any sovereign or a without however any disclosure of the name of the government. The staff should be adequately paid, members forming such majority. The publication of and inability to take any public employment any. the whole of the judgments still unsigned being postwhere the penalty for every species of infidelity to poned until the award has been complied with, or the senate.

until such later time as the senators in their wisdom To this tribunal 80 constituted would then be shall decree—the chief secretary being the sole submitted any and every question between the adhering depository of the secret of authorship, until it be powers on every failure by ordinary diplomatic effort deemed advisable to record the judgments signed, in to effect a settlement. Relations should not be the reports of the court. In the event of the separate suspended pending the reference, or any preparation judgments of the majority being difficult to reduce for war be undertaken ; but when necessary a com. in the form of a collective judgment, a committee of mittee of the senators, not including the nominees of the authors of them, not however exceeding half their the Powers interested, should determine on a modus number, must be chosen by the chief secretary to vivendi during the investigation and until decision. summarise them so as to form a condensed précis It should be competent for the Powers interested to

of all the reasons and conclusions arrived at. formulate their respective cases, either in writing,

Thus, in the course of a few years, will a body of without oral argument or by written arguments judge-made international law grow up, embodging supported by oral advacacy--the tribunal having full

the collective results of the learning and industry of powers to order the production of any evidence it

the ablest jurists of the period. deemed necessary, in any form or by any means, and to There then remains the enforcement of the decrees adjourn final decision until such be furnished.

of the tribunal. This must, as in the case of the The president should be chosen annually by secret

Convention which has suggested the idea, be left to ballot, but be eligible for re-election by a two-third the good faith of_the parties and to the influence of majority.

public opinion. But the adhering Powers might well As conferences and discussions must necessarily take

determine to withdraw from or suspend diplomatic place amongst the arbitrators themselves, and as all regulations, as distinguished from consular or commen, learned and unlearned, differ constitutionally in

mercial relations, with any recalcitrant, or might, as nerve power, as well as in mental and physical power,

an extreme measure, combine to compel compliance care must be taken to prevent the possibility of

by force, or by the infliction of some pecuniary or masterful “will," crushing timidity, lack_of self

other penalty. confidence, or sensitiveness of disposition. The freest

If each of the adhering nations should elect, as is scope must be secured for the exercise of individual improbable, a member of the court or college, and the thought and conviction, and its freest expression. number be considered excessive for the decision of comMost men are sensitive to the world's opinion, and paratively insignificant disputes, or it be considered whether they value it not, often shrink from defying or

advisable to form a court of revision to which the running counter to it. On some men, and more

judgment of a first court should stand referred, then frequently than not on men of studious habits, of

cases should in the first instance be brought before a sabtle brains and vast learning, the bare idea of self

court composed of seven members (two of which should assertion cripples their powers. They doubt their

be of the nationality of the disputants), chosen otherright to oppose their conviction to those expressed by a

wise by lot or from a rota, and the judgment (always majority, however convinced they may be that the

that of the majority) be subject to revision by the rest majority is wrong. Hence it is necessary to shield such of the senators, having all the judgments delivered minds, not from the coercion of stronger intellects, for

before them, the rules as to secrecy being observed. the sensitive intellect may be, and often is, infinitely

This would tend perhaps to give additional weight to the stronger of the two, but from influences which act

the final judgment, and secure a more exhaustive conon wholly different organs, and may be brought to

sideration of each case, particularly of those which from bear with overwhelming force on weaknesses and

their nature involved intricate and complex points of feelings that have nothing in common with intellectual

international law. forces. The dread of criticism, and especially such Such, then, is a broad outline of an international criticism as ignorance or venality offers, and publicity, court, or college, for the determination of disputes paralyses the finest minds to an extent which induces between nations, and for the gradual development of a many to defer the publication of their grandest mental system of international law. Before it all nations, efforts until death places them beyond the reach of the however powerful or insignificant, would stand on a torture which both inflict upon the living. It is not level of perfect equality. Its members would have difficult to devise such a shield. Each draft judgment, nothing to gain or lose from the fears or affections of signed with some distinguishing mark known only to monarchs or of peoples. Absolved from mere national its author, must be printed so that each senator may be allegiance, on a rank with the highest, free from all provided with a copy of the draft or unsettled judg- temptation and even cares, and knowing that in the ment of every other senator after each has written his future their reputation for honour, learning, and imown, and placed it in a specially provided receptacle, partiality would depend on their devotion to their like the Lion's Mouth at Venice, whence all are duties, every incitement which operates on human handed to the printer, under such restrictions as are nature and stimulates human ambition is offered them. necessary to secure secrecy, the object being to Details as to the nature of the duties of the chief enable each senator to study the productions of every secretary and the staff, and as to how the difficulties of one of his colleagues without knowing whose opinion language are to be overcome, can be easily supplied. he is reading, and to profit by such study either Insignificant, comparatively, as the location, and even in the way of modifying his own views, or in his the building, its library, its grounds and internal final judgment, correcting errors or fallacies apparent arrangements, and economy at first sight may appear in the draft judgments of the others without, of to be, to the two great objects in view, they are never.

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