theless of importance, and will require much thought and care; but for the present it suffices to broach the idea, to educate sovereigns and peoples up to the point of entertaining it, and by discussion to perfect and give to it a practical significance. It is the habit oi the human mind to regard all that savours of novelty with distrust to declare, at first, every new suggestion as "impossible" of application-to fall back upon human nature as inherently incapable of ever realising an ideal; yet every-day experience demonstrates that what was but a mere effort of the imagination at one time may become, and generally does become, at another time, a reality which, when matured, the world wonders could ever have been dispensed with.

NOTES.

E. H.

our

THE SOUDAN AGAIN.-Since we referred in November number to the renewed movements of the tribes in the Soudan, further conflicts have arisen. On the 3rd instant a sanguinary engagement-though the numbers were small-took place between Ambigol and Sarras, the latter well-known during the great Nile expedition. On this occasion the Egyptian force suffered severe losses, including one British officer of the "army of occupation." Of course the tribesmen fell before the resources of civilisation, and "a number of Dervish horsemen are lying dead on the scene of the engagement"; and their "loss is believed to be heavy.' The Anglo-Egyptian military authorities are doing their duty. Colonel Wodehouse, commanding at Wady Halfa, at once went to the front, and the Sirdar, Kitchener Pasha, proceeded from Cairo to arrange for more shooting if the brave barbarians are desperate enough to come on again.

And now let us ask once more, What is the cause of this recrudescence? But we shall get no intelligible answer, and this because no effort whatever has been made by the Anglo-Indian authorities to investigate that cause; and no such effort has been made because the authorities at Downing-street do not insist that such investigation shall be made. We shall be only too glad to be corrected as to this, but negative evidence supports this conclusion. There is just this allowance to be made in this particular instance. The Dervish approach appears to have been so stealthy, and their attack on New Year's Eve so prompt and determined, that there was no opportunity for parley of any kind. How this surprise should have happened is a question which no doubt the Sirdar will put sharply to the Intelligence Department; and if he does not the friends of Captain Pyne may very properly inquire. Waiving these incidental questions, there can be no doubt that there is now ample opportunity-or that one can be made to ascertain what has been the proximate cause of the new advance of the tribes, and whether that is one that can be accounted for and removed. If it be due merely to desire for plunder, let that be clearly made out, and public opinion will be satisfied. But it is scarcely likely that the tribes will fling themselves into hopeless conflict with arms of precision merely for the devilry of it. Something was said, in course of a plea for renewed invasion of the Soudan which appeared in Black rood for December, that leaves it to be understood that the tribes are still kept under blockade both on the Suakin side and on the hill. If this be so, that in itself is sufficient-including the misery caused by our destructive raids of 1884-6-to account for the despairing attacks of the hopeless hunger-bitten Soudanese. The present Ministry may be fairly expected to insist on knowing the facts of the situation, which are not likely to be got at through the ordinary channels either at Cairo or Suakin. Those channels are tainted at the source. In any case, our Foreign Office cannot afford to be ignorant as to the actual condition and the demands of the tribes. These facts can be ascer

"

tained if there be the requisite determination to get at the truth. And we feel compelled to repeat our proposition of two months ago-so long as no serious attempt is being made to ascertain what the demands of the Dervish leaders are, and no effort to negotiate with them, bloodguiltiness will lie somewhere if the slaying of the tribes goes on.

It is not worth while to bestow serious notice on the insinuation of the French Press to the effect that these renewed attacks by the tribes have been purposely provoked in order to found thereon fresh excuse for continued British control over Egypt. But these bitter taunts seem to indicate what an invidious, not to say false, position the English name has to sustain so long as we postpone, without limit of terms or time, the fulfilment of our repeated international promises in respect of the temporary occupation of Egypt. Here we cannot undertake to examine the renewed plea for protracted and indefinite prolongation of our domination at Cairo, put forward in Mr. Alfred Milner's "England in Egypt," by far the most ably-written and skilful of the many works that have appeared from English apologists on that subject. But we must confess to deep regret that such a well-informed, though only recent, student of the question, should have fallen back on the old and often-refuted arguments on behalf of the impracticable object of renewed occupation of the Soudan by Egypt. W.

OUR FOREIGN CORRESPONDENCE.

FRANCE.

THE New Year opens under sad auspices in France; the winter is severe, as hard for the peasants as for the townspeople. In Paris, as well as in London, the poor without work, without bread, without fuel, throng the streets. Distress increases and strengthens the claims of all those who believe in the evil of our social system, and who wish to change it for another which they consider more clement to all and more equitable towards the poor.

In the great disarray of factions caused by the action brought against the Panama Company, and against those politicians who are, rightly or wrongly accused of allowing themselves to be corrupted, all the revolutionary sects who are longing to transform the present state of society by violent means have gathered fresh courage, and appear to be organising themselves in view of approaching action, and one might be led to believe from certain indications that the era of peaceful transformation only just beginning might be brought to an untimely end, and that advanced parties, renouncing all lawful measures such as the Press, public speaking, and voting papers, are on the verge of resorting to more rapid and apparently more efficacious means, which are strangely hazardous, and which might in reality as easily lead to the ruin of the people's cause as bring about its victory.

It is strange to note that, at the very moment when peaceful ideas are so rapidly gaining ground in our international intercourse, that there should exist the thought that social conflicts can be terminated only by violence. It would seem that the voice of the violent parties alone can make itself heard, and that they alone hold in their hands the secrets of the future and the destinies of men, to fashion as they may think proper.

This we believe to be a great mistake. The true means of ending those conflicts which may arise between nation and nation, between employers and employed, or between those who possess much and those who possess nothing, is through a cordial and mutual understanding, reciprocal concessions and sacrifices to the common interests; and this can only be effected by the arbitration of just and honest men,

without interest in the questions under discussion. In many cases, even Parliament might be appealed to, the representatives of the people being well-fitted for arbitration between the different classes. But this is only possible on one condition-faith in the integrity and disinterestedness of the arbitrators, however these may be chosen; the one important thing is to have entire faith in them.

If more cordiality has been apparent in our international dealings, if thoughts of hatred and revenge are gradually giving way before new thoughts of unity and concord, it is because in spite of the suspicious hostility, which, notwithstanding their mutual conventional protestations, the Governments are constantly manifesting towards one another, the people have begun to have more trust in each other. By degrees they have become better acquainted, and this has led to less dislike and greater faith and respect; consequently to more trust in the promises and belief in the sincerity of those who were formerly only looked upon as disloyal adversaries, and this has given rise to the belief in the undoubted sincerity of their explanations.

However, electors and elected, employers and employed, the middle and the lower classes of the same country, are unknown to each other, and still less do they understand each other-on all sides they are fully prepared to accept any accusation which may be made against the other. The working classes only look upon their employers as dishonest task-masters, and employers in their turn are mostly inclined to treat all the working-men's claims with contempt and mistrust. They look upon these claims merely as the ill-disguised desire to possess themselves of other people's property. All look upon each other with suspicion, and this distrust exists in the centre of each social group. Conservative employers accuse Republican employers as being the cause of their ruin. The employed mistrust one another, and do not hesitate to call each other traitors. It is for this that recent events in our country are more especially to be deplored.

All these rumours indefinitely increased by the polemics of the Press, and the interested intrigues of a few party men, have engendered a strange feeling of uneasiness. Doubts have arisen as to the honesty, loyalty and straightforwardness of all political men without exception. The wildest and most obviously false accusations are credited with the greatest facility. It would seem that the enemies of the Republic, who have tried to give the greatest importance to these sad events, and who have used the supposed indelicacy of some men as an arm against the Republican party, can hardly have reflected on the consequences of the campaign they have entered upon. Now that they have let loose the spirit of distrust, they are without doubt destined to become its victims, as well as those whom they wished to strike.

Seeing so many men who only yesterday enjoyed public esteem now insulted as the worst of thieves, has brought to light the idea which has so long lain dormant in the minds of the people-viz., that those to whom they had entrusted the care of their interests were conniving with the employers to despoil and conquer them.

Pitiless in their blind desire for revenge, they cannot distinguish the accused from the guilty; the Government desiring justice and the men who have traded on their mandate. What do I say? They cannot distinguish even the accused from the accusers. Ministers, deputies, senators, functionaries of every degree, bankers, manufacturers, and proprietors, are all victims of this universal mistrust. It is this crying injustice, this exaggerated distrust, which drives the hungry people to acts of violence.

Hatred and distrust have once more produced their bad fruits, which will affect in their turn those who have sought to entrap others but, alas! the true

victims will be as ever the "weak and lowly." Violence brings forth violence, and this blind desire for revenge, which has been awakened by all these inconsiderate accusations, may perhaps lead us on to bloodshed. Paris, January, 1893. L. MARILLIER.

ITALY.

In the usual reviews of the year 1892, the Italian journals, including those which are most favourable to continued armament, cannot pass over without notice the sad condition of Europe at the present time.

I will only give an extract from Il Popolo Romano, a semi-official journal, which involuntarily renders homage to the aspirations and efforts of the friends of peace in the following terms :

"It is evident," it writes, "that the finances of all the Powers must have been more or less affected in the year 1892 by the incessant armaments which, from motives easily understood, must tend only to increased uneasiness abroad. "The balance-sheet of

each State presents, with rare exceptions, a most disheartening aspect, and this condition of affairs is eloquently characterised by the fact that the budget of Italy shows a relatively satisfactory result as compared with that of Austria-Hungary. Briefly," continues the Government organ, "everywhere debts and necessity for increasing taxation; everywhere expedients resorted to, and further economies and sacrifices on the part of the governments in order to help their home industries and prevent the increase of discontent among the people whose condition is becoming each day more and more serious, as is sufficiently proved by the large strikes in England, Belgium, Germany, &c."

There is no exaggeration in the sad picture thus drawn by Il Popolo Romano, indeed, more might perhaps be added, and it must also be admitted that the responsibility for such a state of affairs may be variously attributed according to the different views taken of it, but certainly cannot in any way be imputed to the organisers and apostles of the great movement in favour of arbitration and peace.

Several journals in various parts of Italy, and particularly La Corrispondenza Verde of Rome, have published articles concerning the Pan-Republican Congress which is being organised in the United States of America, and which it is decided shall be held at Washington after the World's Fair at Chicago, in order that it may not be confounded with the many other congresses which will be held during the Columbian Exhibition.

The names of the promoters and numerous adherents, amongst whom it will suffice to mention Cardinal Gibbons, the lamented General Sherman, Colonel Ingersoll, the Rev. W. C. Roberts, D.D., and even President Cleveland, impart unquestionable importance to that Congress, and I will add that the American Societies for Peace will take a conspicuous place among its promoters and adherents. In the programme of the above-mentioned Congress we note the following passages: "... in particular as may promote the establishment of the principle of arbitration amongst all civilised States instead of the barbarous code of war

,,

and again, "as may tend by their discussion to promote the disarmament of the nations, the dissolution of all standing armies, and the substitution therefore of the rule of intelligence, morality, and justice, among the people of the earth."

A recent circular or message from the Secretary of the Promoting Committee, Mr. W. O. McDowell, states that the Pan-Republican Congress will take into consideration all remarks and discussions which may occur in the different Congresses at Chicago.

It appears to me that this initatory action in America ought to cause a certain amount of attention, and give rise to serious reflection on the part of the several Governments and Conservative

parties of Europe. If they obstinately continue to pursue the present political and military system, so fatal to the prosperity of the people, is it not to be feared that these same, in their increasing distress, may turn their eyes and aspirations towards the ideal traced out by the above-mentioned Congress?

The Directing Committee of the Roman Association for International Arbitration and Peace met a few days since under the presidency of Signor Bonghi, and constituted a central committee, entrusted with the collection of signatures to the universal petition for peace, according to the decision of the Congress of Berne. The commission was composed of many distinguished persons belonging to both Houses of Parliament and the different districts of Italy, and later on local committees will be formed. In the course of the present month a general assembly of the Society for Peace will be convoked, from which we may hope for fresh vigour and impulse. Rome, 1st January, 1893.

VITTORE PRESTINI.

CORRESPONDENCE.

COLONISATION AND CIVILISATION.

To the Editor of CONCORD.

SIR,-I fully appreciate your remark that the Executive Committee does not hold itself responsible for the article on "Uganda" signed "H. P." That article differs widely from the views generally put forward in your paper. H. P. wants Uganda to be kept for the sake of civilisation. Now, of course, we learnt at school that Prussia divided Poland with Austria and Russia for the sake of civilisation. Everything that suits us is done for the sake of civilisation. Once leave the path of justice, and begin to talk of "civilisation," and you are sure to go wrong. I do not know of a single case where civilisation has been propagated by colonisation-at least in modern times. More than that, colonisation checks civilisation. A colony is always constituted by a wrong done to the nations. One morning you read in a paper that a place you never heard of has offered itself to the German, English, or French Government, that foreign adventurers have excited the natives to begin war, but that the "rebels" (the usual name for natives defending their own country) have been duly punished.

And what is begun with injustice is also carried on with it. The Indians, at the time of their last revolt against the Americans, said: "You made fifty-six treaties with us and you kept none of them; of what use to make a new one!" Indeed, the native population is not civilised where Europeans go, but annihilated. According to a statement in the Mouvement Géographique, not more than one-tenth of the African Continent any longer belongs to the natives.

The false ideas that so many people have as to civilisation arise from their not making a difference between civilisation-the relation of man to man, and cultivation-the relation of man to nature. Cultivation is, no doubt, advanced by colonisation, but so is it if a usurer drives a man out of his estate. In public life there should be the same rules of morality as in private life. It is a great misfortune that this principle is not universally recognised. The neglect of it causes much hypocrisy and is a fruitful source of war.

But the results of colonisation are even worse for the mother country than for the colony. The love of war, contempt for the rights of weaker races, are kept alive by colonisation. Nations are prevented by it from minding their own affairs.

If you really desire to promote civilisation (and Christianity) begin with Europe; there is plenty of work to be done there without injury to the rights of other races. Charity begins at home.-Yours truly, Berlin, December, 1892, C.

'THE PERIL OF EUROPE."

[Letter from the BARONESS VON SUTTNER.] ADVERTING to our recent article bearing the above title, our distinguished friend writes as follows:-" It appears to me that the path on which you have now entered is an excellent one. I refer to your efforts to persuade the European Governments to come to an arrangement for a conference on the imminent peril of the time. Without desiring to influence the decision to be arrived at, it is an excellent thing to urge the necessity of holding an inquiry. To that course no one can make any objection; but if you declared beforehand that right is on the side of A, then all on the side of B would become distrustful, and morally unable to take part in the peace movement. If, however, it were possible to induce the two adversaries to come to a mutual interchange of views, and if, through the pressure of the other States (exercised for the purpose of bringing this horrible prospect of a European war to an end), then all France and all Germany would join the movement. In that event justice would prevail. At present, national susceptibilities and national "honour" do not permit the one to say they will renounce their claims to their provinces, nor the other to offer to give them back, in order to arrive at conciliation; but, once a verdict has been pronouncedno matter what-there would be no dishonour in sub. mitting to it. . . .

"I am immensely pleased with the proposal you now put forward, and I will endeavour to make it part of our peace policy.'

A GOOD EXAMPLE

WE have great pleasure in printing the following letter from a much-esteemed member of our Association, and earnestly commend his excellent example to the imitation of others :

"I have been much impressed with the able and forcible appeal for funds issued by Mr. Felix Moscheles in the current number of CONCORD, and beg to enclose cheque for £10.

Although a member of your Council, I have not been able, from press of business and other engagements, to attend the meetings, but I continue to take the liveliest interest in the proceedings of the Committee, and trust that the Association led, by its able and indefatigable President, Mr. Hodgson Pratt, will continue its noble and humanising work.

"I am pleased to note the article on Disarmament, and hope the Committee will take into serious consideration the desirability of laying before the leading statesmen of the continental nations the necessity of putting a stop to these continued "bloated armaments," which are draining the very life-blood of the people, impoverishing and bestializing them.

The Association will surely have done a noble, humane work when it shall have convinced the rulers of the European nations of the wickedness and the suicidal nature of the work they are at present, and have been for years, engaged in.-Wishing you every success, yours very truly, "ISAAC SELIGMAN."

THE INTERNATIONAL BUREAU OF PEACE.

As we anticipated, the work already done by the Central Office of the Peace Societies at Berne fully justifies its creation. In the hands of such a man as M. Elie Ducommun, with his great organising experience and devotion to the object in view, the experiment was sure to succeed; and it will be a great satisfaction

to our Association that it was among the first to support the undertaking.

Its Honorary Secretary has resolved to include among the functions of the Bureau the collection and circulation of information likely to be useful to all who are actively engaged in the movement. He has, accordingly, started a lithographed letter, which will appear once a fortnight, or whenever he has sufficient matter in hand, and it will be forwarded to societies and individual workers. This letter will contain items of information, and when M. Ducommun has to reply to any of the numerous inquiries which he receives on points of general interest he will insert his answer in this news-sheet. It will not contain leading articles, or in any way compete with the journals of existing societies; but is intended to feed the latter with important facts. This will enable each society to know what the others are doing or projecting. He will also bring to notice publications which have reference to our work, with brief indications of their contents.

Last month we reported that the Bureau had-with great promptitude-published a report of the proceedings of the Berne Congress; and we can now add that our friend has arranged and has printed the Resolutions of the Four Congresses of 1889, 1890, 1891, and 1892, classifying them in such a manner that one may see at a glance all the conclusions arrived at in reference to each of the subjects discussed. This has been published in French, and an English edition, in the preparation of which we have taken part, will appear forthwith.

We offer our cordial congratulations to our esteemed colleague on the fact that he has been able, already, to render these services: and we wish him a Happy New Year of increasing opportunities for useful labour.

ITEMS.

PHIL.

A GERMAN DEMAND FOR PEACE.-We are informed by Mr. Simon Hanauer, of Frankfort, that a pamphlet has just appeared at Naunberg, in South Germany, under the title: "What do the People Demand? Neither Militarism nor War.". In this work the author, Herr Reuter, reviews the action of the different political parties, and, after condemning the Conservatives, makes an eloquent appeal to the Advanced Liberals (Freisinnige Partei) to avail themselves of the great opportunity now open of uniting the vast majority of the German people in a permanent "Anti-War Party." Mr. Hanauer states that this manifesto is likely to have considerable influence.

PEACE CONGRESS AT CHICAGO.-The Fifth International Congress will meet from the 14th to 20th August; and it is hoped that the Members of the InterParliamentary Conference, at the conclusion of their meeting at Christiana, Norway, will proceed to Chicago and resume their discussions there; immediately after the conclusion of the Peace Congress it is proposed that the latter shall conclude with three great public meetings in the auditorium of the Columbian Exhibition. We take this information from the Peacemaker, the Peacemaker, Philadelphia).

OPINIONS IN THE GERMAN PRESS.-We find in the Kleine Presse, of Frankfort, an expression of warm approval of a recent article in The Echo, of London, as to "the intolerable burdens of the armed peace," and the editor says:-"Not only must a Congress of all the peoples be called (to find a solution for the European crisis), but Europe has a right to interpose for the next twenty years, with a view to terminate these burdens and dangers." A Berlin newspaper has recently declared that it is absurd to pretend there is no Alsace question; and that, on the contrary, it is of

all others the chief, and the one which most needs settlement. This could be obtained by constituting Alsace-Lorraine into a territory placed under the protection of a European Confederation, with an international Court sitting at Strasbourg,

THE VIENNA SOCIETY held its first annual meeting last month; and there was a large attendance both of its own members and of those belonging to the University Peace Union, all wearing white badges. The Baroness Von Suttner, the President, bore testimony to the great progress of opinion on this subject. Numerous letters and telegrams of congratulation were received, among others from Count Rudolph Hoyos, President of the Norwegian Chamber, who said that his countrymen were ready to enter into Arbitration Treaties with all nations. Danish, Dutch, and Portuguese Members of Parliament also joined in these words of encouragement; and letters were received from Signor Ruggiero Borghi, of Rome, from the Rector of the Vienna University, from the Municipality of Padua, the Milan Peace Society, and others. Prince Wrede read the annual report, and Baron Pirquet, a Deputy, addressed the meeting on the Berne Congress in a stirring speech. We offer our hearty congratulations to our honoured friend. She has the joy of seeing the fruits of her noble and wise efforts.

A GERMAN PEACE SOCIETY.-With the greatest satisfaction we learn that a society representing the empire at large has been founded at Berlin. This is indeed an event of great moment, and full of encouragement for the peace-makers everywhere. The new society has been founded under excellent auspices, and its "committee of directors" contains the names of many eminent men. They are as follows, as the Peace Bureau at Berne informs us :-Professor Foerster (Geheimrath), Le Chevalier Georges de Bunsen, A. H. Fried, D. Gisicky (late Army colonel), Grelling (Barrister-at-law), Nilson (ditto), Professor Philippson, R. Schmid-Cabanis, F. Spielhagen, Count Bothmer (of Wiesbaden), Dr. Brasch (of Leipsig), the Rev. Mr. Hetzel (of Furstenwald), Dr. A. Richter (of Pforzheim), F. Wirth (of Frankfort).

SPAIN. Don Arturo de Marcoartu has been, as usual, sowing the good seed in Spain. We ought, ere this, to have recorded a meeting at Barcelona where he gave a long address on such subjects as the neutralisation of straits and isthmuses; the responsibility for the declaration of war, and the arbitral clause in treaties. Subsequent to this meeting, a discussion was held at a congress of geographers, Spanish, Portuguese, and Americans at Madrid. Here Don Arturo gave an historical sketch of the movement in favour of arbitration; and the president, in his closing address, expressed his opinion that he could see no reason why an arbitration treaty should not be concluded between Spain, Portugal, and South America; although the time had not arrived for accepting this method universally. The subject also came before a Juridical Congress at the Spanish Capital.

WHAT FRÉDÉRIC PASSY SAYS:- "Arbitration is a sacred arm-the arm of wisdom; and it is for us to use it. Nearer and nearer let us push on this great crusade. Labourers in the field of ideas, let us not fear to be accused of pursuing a chimera. But for those who follow chimeras-and who are in fact the most practical of mankind, humanity would lie rotting in a condition of barbarism." (From an address delivered in February, 1890.)

PALERMO.-A meeting of the Women's Committee of the Palermo Peace Society has recently been held,

at which Signora Teresa Siciliano took the chair. She read a letter from the Baroness Boscogrande resigning her post of President. By a unanimous vote, those present thereupon resolved to go in a body to her house and beg her to remain at their head. The Baroness consented to comply with their request.

PRESIDENT HARRISON has signed the commissions of Justice Harlan and Senator Morgan as arbitrators of the Behring Sea Commission, and of Secretary John W. Foster as agent on behalf of the United States before that Commission. These appointments were made on the 6th of last June. The Behring Sea Arbitration Tribunal will meet in Paris on the 23rd of February next.-Peacemaker.

PRESIDENT CARNOT ON WAR.-In answer to the address presented by American students in Paris, during their reception by President Carnot, the President said: "When you go home, you will best aid the American Republic by exalting the policy of peace above that of war and discord, for the latter paralyses the strength and dissipates the resources of nations."Peacemaker.

GIÙ LE ARME! (GROUND ARMS!)

We regret not having earlier noticed the Peace Almanack which, under the above title, the Società Internazionale per la Pace (Unione Lombarda) has admirably prepared. Inside the cover are to be found their statutes, then comes the calendar for the year 1893, and last, but by no means least, various essays. We need hardly say that the whole owes much to the care of our friend, E. T. Moneta, who himself gives a short account of the efforts of Captain F. Siccardi. "Eleven months have passed since we lost him," he says, "and our sorrow still remains to us." The Milan peace cause has indeed suffered heavily by his loss, and yet his death has stimulated others to follow the aims that were his; so that in thinking of his energy and devotion we perceive them still at work amongst us; though in the persons of his comrades. The Minister Villari has written some stirring words of encouragement; and our honoured friend, Miss P. H. Peckover, is well represented by her contribution. Signor Arnaudon, of Turin, writes on "Schools, books, and women." There are also contributions from the eminent author, Edmondo di Amacis, from the Marquis V. Pareto, from Frédéric Passy, from the wellknown journalist, Gabriele Rosa, from the ex-Minister, R. Bonghi, from F. Angiolini, from the Baroness B. Von Suttner, from G. Ferrero, A. Maffi, from Judge Meale, of Milan, under his title of "Umano," from M. Edmond Thiaudière, of Paris, from the well-known woman authoress, "Neera," E. Ducommun, and others. It will be seen how truly international a work has thus been brought out, and we are certain that all Peace friends will feel, on seeing "Giù le Arme," that E. T. Moneta has once more done valiant service for the ideals we and he alike hold dear.

MR. FREDERIC HARRISON ON PEACE SUNDAY.

On Sunday, 18th December last, Mr. Frederic Harrison lectured at the usual meeting of the London Ethical Society at Princes Hall, his subject being "Economic Morality." Mr. Harrison based his argument on the contrast between the ethics of industry and the traditions of war, and insisted on the cardinal duty of international Peace. He also claimed that at least equal honour should be paid to the heroes of civic life as to those of the battlefield. The special remarks on Peace Sunday we are, owing to the kindness of Mr.

Harrison, enabled to quote verbatim. They were as follows:

"This thought has a special appropriateness to-day, which I learn is set apart in many chapels and churches as Peace Sunday-a day when the spirit of Peace is invoked with earnest prayers and aspirations. I am sure that all Ethical and Moral Associations whatever will not fall behind the worshippers of the Prince of Peace in genuine yearnings for the reign of Peace, and in genuine horror of the spirit of War. No Gospel believer can say with more truthful feeling than we can-Give us Peace in our time.' We will add-' and in the time to come.' Nay, I think that the genuine aspirations for Peace of believers in morality and terrestrial agencies may be even more effectual than the prayers which have ascended to the Throne of Mercy now for 1800 years, and have ascended in vain. Peace, I think, will be sooner secured by man himself under a sense of human duty than by the prayers for peace, which too often alternate with hymns of triumph addressed to the God of Battles. Peace is a human question, an earthly question, and it will be made by man, and not showered down on us from Heaven. Nor can I see any agency which is more likely to secure it than the essence that Industry is the natural business of man on earth, and Duty the inspiring genius of Industry."

BERTHA VON SUTTNER.

(From the Echo Portrait Gallery.)

BARONESS VON SUTTNER was born forty-nine years ago in Prague. She was twenty-three years old when the war of 1866 broke out in her native Bohemia a war the horrors of which are so powerfully depicted in a book that has had myriads of readers in Germany during the last two years. The book is entitled "Die Waffen Nieder," and an English translation of it, "Lay Down Your Arms," by T. Holmes, is published by Messrs. Longmans & Co. Of this striking, though not in every respect artistically constructed work Bertha Von Suttner is the authoress. It is not her only book, and as she is still in the prime of her intellectual powers, the probability is that this is by no means the last message of its kind from the quiet retreat of Hermannsdorf, in Lower Austria. Some years ago she began to attract public attention as the authoress of "The Inventory of a Soul." Another of her books, "The Romance of an Author," is a still more remarkable production. In this production she deals with the "Woman Question," upon which she holds views far in advance of those entertained by the majority of German-speaking women. But her most successful work, and her best in every way, is "Die Waffen Nieder," a performance which substantiates her spiritual kinship to all the great spirits before herVoltaire, Kant, Mirabeau, Henri IV. of France-to say nothing of her contemporaries, Flaubert, Maupassant and the rest, who have expressed their horror at the savagery and the inhumanity of war.

Bertha Von Suttner is as a writer a woman of the age in the most direct, realistic, intimate sense. Though in the last century, in the Middle Ages, even in the ancient world, there were choice spirits who not only hated war, but also rejected the argument that it was, and ever would be, a necessary evil, it is nevertheless true that "Lay down your Arms" could not have been produced in any age except this. It is full of the modern sentiment that is as far as possible removed from sentimentality. Its matter-of-fact character, its directness, catholicity, and pathos combined are the marks of the later nineteenth century. The Baroness Von Suttner is the first authoress who has systematically waged war against war. Her birth, her early associations, her natural prejudices, we may