almost say, render her appearance in this character all the more noteworthy, for she was born in the very class whose dignities, privileges, and wealth have been created by war, and are maintained by it, whose ideas of honour, "glory," and patriotism are the fruit of the war spirit, and in whose belief war is a necessary, even if lamentable, element in human affairs. Her father, Count Kinsky, was an officer of high rank in the Austrian service. Nowhere, not even in the German Empire, is the spirit of military caste stronger than in Austria. It is, perhaps, as strong in North Germany since the war of 1870, and as a consequence of the war. But up to 1866, and even to 1870, Austria was the favoured home of militarism. Austria was slower and more reluctant than North Germany to put the civilian -the upbuilder, the civiliser-on a footing of something like social equality with the soldier-the destroyer, the survival of barbarism. That Bertha Von Suttner should have so completely shaken off the prejudices of her aristocratic class as to have become the most powerful literary advocate of peace which North or South Germany possesses is the highest possible testimony to her rare originality of mind and character. She has had every opportunity of acquiring a complete knowledge of her subject. She has lived amidst the turmoil of three wars-first, the Danish War, in which Austria and Prussia were allies; secondly, the Austro-Prussian War, in which Austria was assailed not only by Prussia, but by Italy; thirdly, the Franco-German War. Some of the vivid descriptions in "Die Waffen Nieder" of hospital scenes, of fields after the fight, of the ambulance service in battle, seem to show that the authoress was an eye-witness. The Baroness Von Suttner has been a traveller. With her husband, Baron Suttner, whom she married in 1876, she lived several years in Tiflis, the capital of the Caucasus.

No one has ever exposed the hypocrisy, the inconsistency, of appeals to "the god of battles" with such force and keenness as our authoress has done. She is very effective, too, in her manner of demonstrating the hypnotising power of mere words. For example, in a despatch from the seat of war, a general says that this or that "position has been occupied." But the public do not see the burning homesteads, the miserable men, women, and children, the mangled bodies, on the "position." And not only do they not see-they think no more of it. They are in blank, complete ignorance of all that the dry, matter-of-fact words may imply. If the reader wants realistic pictures of some occupied positions he can do no better than accompany our authoress to certain scenes described in "Lay Down Your Arms."

The autobiography is a singularly impressive book, reaching, in many passages, to the deepest pathos. Martha Von Tilling, who, like the authoress, is a soldier's daughter, lost her first husband in the Italian War, and her second in the Franco-German. Count Von Tilling, this second husband, is, like his wife, an opponent of war. It is in going to the relief of her husband, who was wounded in the Bohemian Campaign, that the autobiographer came across the dreadful scenes so powerfully described in "Die Waffen Nieder." Mdme. Von Suttner often dwells on the incongruity between war and the results of modern science.

Thus

"An army marching to the field, as it sweeps along the high road on foot or on horsebask, may have a touch of antique poetry about it; but for the railroad of our modern day, the symbol of culture binding nations together, to serve as the means for promoting barbarism let loose-that is a thing too inconsistent and horrible." "And what a false ring also has the telegraph signal used in this service that splendid sign of the triumph of the human intellect." Mame. Von Suttner is no pessimist. She believes that the human race is "nearer its ennoble

ment than some people hope." "The Prince or Statesman is perhaps already alive who is to bring to perfection the exploit which will live in all future history as the most glorious and most enlightened of all exploits-that which will carry universal disarmament. We have placed our feet already on the threshold of an age in which manhood is to raise itself into humanity. Shall we endeavour to show ourselves worthy of our fathers' fathers, as the old phrase goes? No. But of our grandsons' grandsons." The Suttners, not the Bismarcks, are the prophets. J. X. M.

The book of La Baronne de Suttner, "Lay Down Your Arms," which we recently mentioned, constitutes a perfect arsenal of arguments against the mode in which nations carry on their "foreign affairs." One of the many excellent illustrations given by her of the vain and insufficient reasons for which Governments send armies to destroy each other is that of the Schleswig-Holstein war. The heroine of the story, whose husband, Baron von Tilling, of the Austrian Army, has left her side, at the very moment of her confinement, to take part in the fight, tries, during his absence, to discover what was the sacred duty to his country which imposed upon them this great sacrifice. She studies history, and finds that the question at issue -whether Schleswig-Holstein belonged or not to the Crown of Denmark-had been constantly in dispute since the year 1326-i.e., for 532 years, up to the year 1864. The fair student finds a perfect tangle of contradictory treaties and protocols; so that, at the end of her researches, she is quite unable to determine what are the merits of the case. Least of all can she find any possible reason why Austria should have taken part in this bloody and cruel war. "Some mysterious reason of State, it was averred, involved Austria's honour and welfare." "The dogma was a little hard to believe; but in political matters, almost more willingly than in religious, the masses allow themselves to be led by the principle of the quia absurdum.” "They have renounced beforehand the attempt to reason and understand. When the sword is once drawn, nothing more is necessary than to shout 'Hurrah!' and press hotly on to victory." We ought to add that the summary of the diplomatic history of this quarrel of 500 years, about a little strip of land, is most concise and able.

This part of the story is followed by Baron von Tilling's letter to his wife, describing the horrible work done on the field of battle for so little intelligible reason; and we extract the following passages :— "To-day we met the enemy for the first time. Up to that our way had been through conquered territory, from which the Danes had retreated. Smoking ruins of villages, ravaged cornfields, weapons and knapsacks lying about, spots where the land was ploughed up by the shell, blood stains, bodies of horses, trenches filled with the slain-such are the features of the scenes through which we have been moving, in the rear of the victors, in order, if possible, to add more victories to the account, i.e., to burn more villages, and so forth. . . And that we have done to-day. We have carried a position. Behind us lies a village in flames. The inhabitants had the good luck to have quitted it beforehand; but in the stable a horse had been forgotten. I heard the beast in despair, stamping and shrieking. Do you know what I did? It will procure me no decoration, most certainly; for instead of

bringing down a Dane or two, I rushed to the stable to set the poor horse free. Impossible; the manger had already caught fire, then the straw under his hoofs, then his mane. So I put two revolver bullets through his head. He fell down dead, and was saved from the pain of being burned to death. Then back again into the fight, the deathly smell of the powder, the wild alarm of the whistling bullets, falling buildings, savage war-cries.... The burial of the dead is to be done to-morrow morning. Some of the living will, of course, be shovelled in with them, for the "stiff cramp," after a severe wound, is a common phenomenon. Many who have remained out, whether dead or wounded, or even unwounded, we are obliged to abandon entirely, especially those who are lying under the ruins of the fallen houses. There they may, if dead, moulder slowly where they are; if wounded, bleed slowly to death; if unwounded, die slowly of famine. And we, burrah! may go on with our jolly, joyous war.' "Why do I not break out, as a warrior should, into exalted hymns of triumph over our war-like work? Because I thirst after truth. Even though a thousand others should think differently, or should hold themselves bound at least to speak differently, I will, nay, I must-I must say it once more, before I fall, a sacrifice to war-I hate war. only every man who feels the same would dare to proclaim it aloud, what a threatening protest would be shouted out to heaven! All the hurrahs which are now resounding, and all the cannon-thunder that accompanies them, would then be drowned by the battle-cry of Humanity-panting for Humanity-by the victorious cry, denouncing' War on War.'"

From The Sunday Sun.

If

[On the 1st instant, Mr. T. P. O'Connor made "Lay Down Your Arms" his "book of the week"; the following are extracts].

"Lay Down Your Arms," which is a literal translation of the original title, "Die Waffen Nieder," indicates with sufficient clearness the effect of this work. It is a novel against war, and it has been brought out at the express wish of the International Arbitration and Peace Association. It will be gathered that I cannot speak of it as a wholly artistic work, but it is, nevertheless, a very interesting one; and for myself I read it in a sitting-with the skip here and there which the professional reader is accustomed to take with all except the highest works of genius. The story is natural, simple, true to life-in every respect a photograph, perhaps, of the society and people it describes. And there can be no doubt of its intense effectiveness. It is impossible to forget some of its pages; and now and then its descriptions of the realities of war are almost painfully exciting in their vividness and their horror.

L-WAR IN FICTION.

I may here pause for a moment to make the remark that nothing can be more significant of our time-there is no movement, and no factor better worth watching and consideration-than the entirely new part which war is playing in literature. And, again, to the lover of letters, as well as the student of social movements, nothing can be more significant than the new guise in which literature is revealing herself. Nothing which is going on around us is now held remote from literature. Political movements, social crusades, the secret and motive of all the actors in the conflicts of the hour, have mounted the stage, appear nightly before the footlights, inspire the poet, give the novelist his scenes and his types.

How does war appear now in fiction? There was a time when the most daring and the most faithful painter of life had nothing to tell of war gave its glories, its bravery, its heroism. But all that has passed away, and no writer would now dare to describe a war scene who did not reveal to us its

hideous sufferings, its unchained bestiality, its infinite squalor, its loathsome meanness. It is to ErckmannChatrian the eternal honour must be given of having initiated this new attitude towards war in fiction. Tolstoi has added his own incomparable contributions to the same end; but he has dwelt less on the horrors of war than on its incoherence, uncertainty and disjointed episodes. M. Zola, in his latest work, which, it may be remembered, I reviewed at considerable length in these columns, was bolder and more explicit than any of his predecessors. Nobody can rise from a perusal of "La Débâcle" without a profound disgust and horror of war; to put it familiarly, the great French novelist has for ever taken "the gilt off the gingerbread" of war.

On the Continent the hatred of warfare is a more needful lesson than in our own peaceful and peaceloving isles. This book is written by an Austrianand Austria, like Germany, France, and Russia, is simply an armed camp. Militarism meets one everywhere in those unhappy lands. It is the soldier who is everywhere the leader of society, and the poor civilian is pleased to have his existence even tolerated by the gentlemen with the trailing swords and the clanking spurs. Everything, therefore, in these countries tends to the greater glory of the soldier and the soldier's art; and this will account, to a considerable extent, for the vehemence of the protest which this book raises.

After an admirable review giving several quotations from the book, the writer thus concludes :

"The story deepens in sadness in every page. War is followed by pestilence, and there are some terrible passages in which is described the quick transit of happy boys and girls from exuberant health and spirits through the tortures of cholera to dark death.

"The heroine and her husband finally find their way to Paris during the siege. He had retired from the army, and is in the French capital merely as an onlooker. But he is taken one day for a German spy, and is executed promptly and before the truth can be revealed. In the shadow of this final and overwhelming sorrow, his widow spends her remaining days. Her consolation is in her son-to whom she has taught the horror of war-and in memories of the husband who has gone :

"The rays of the setting sun had thrown a halo of tremulous gold round a rose-bush, and from this, rising up in life-like clearness, was my dream-picture. I saw the garden-shears glitter, the white hair shine. smiled at me as he said, "Are we not a happy old couple?" Ah, woe is me.'

He

"Such is this very remarkable story. It has many faults of construction, it loses now and then by overemphasis; and, occasionally, it is a political pamphlet rather than a story. But it will carry other readers on as it has me, and he will be a cold and hard critic who can rise from its pages without an inner vow to 'make war on war.' "T. P."

We hope that these opinions will send our readers to the book itself, which must be read through to be appreciated. After reading it ourselves we cannot help feeling that it is destined to have a great influence in turning men's minds from the ways of war to the paths of peace.

MEETINGS, ETC.

ON Sunday, the 8th instant, the Secretary of the Association lectured for the South London Ethical Society at Chepstow Hall, Peckham, on "International Quarrels: How to Settle Them." Mr. Green discussed the question of war from the ethical and practical points of view, and gave some account of the work of the Association in educating public opinion, especially on the Continent, upon the subject.

The Secretary is to address a meeting at Preston in the course of the month, and will lecture at Dudley on February 9th.

GREAT BRITAIN AND VENEZUELA.

THE following correspondence on this question has passed between the Committee and the Foreign Office and Venezuelan Consul respectively:-

INTERNATIONAL

ARBITRATION ASSOCIATION TO FOREIGN OFFICE. "40 & 41, OUTER TEMPLE, W.C., "3rd December, 1892. "MY LORD,-I am desired by the Committee of this Association to express a hope that negotiations may be reopened between H.M.'s Government and that of the Republic of Venezuela, with a view to the resumption of diplomatic relations between the two countries, and also the settlement of the long-standing boundary dispute between the two States.

2. The Committee are informed on good authority that the newly-appointed President of Venezuela, General Joaquin Crespo, would be favourably inclined to any proposal likely to bring about the renewal of good relations between his Government and that of H.M.; and that in all probability the boundary dispute could be settled by ordinary diplomatic means, without any serious difficulty.

"3. Should, however, the two Governments fail to come to an agreement on the matter, the Committee venture to suggest that the question is one eminently suitable for reference to independent arbitration, and the more so seeing that complete information is available.

was

"4. The fact that your Lordship's name associated with a suggested boundary line, during your tenancy of the office of Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, leads the Committee to hope that your Lordship will renew the negotiations, and succeed in carrying them to a successful issue.

"I have the honour to be, my Lord, "Your Lordship's most obedient, humble servant, "J. FREDK. GREEN, Secretary. "The Right Hon. Earl of Rosebery, K.G."

FOREIGN OFFICE ARBITRATION

ΤΟ INTERNATIONAL

ASSOCIATION.

“FOREIGN OFFICE,

"13th December, 1892. "SIR,-I am directed by the Earl of Rosebery to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 3rd instant, expressing a hope that negotiations might be reopened between Her Majesty's Government and that of Venezuela with a view to the renewal of diplomatic relations, and the settlement of the Guiana Boundary Question.

"In reply I am to state that the Venezuelan Government are aware of the terms on which Her Majesty's Government are willing to renew diplomatic relations, and also of their readiness to recommence the discussion of those conditions with any properly accredited representative whom the Venezuelan Government may send to this country for the purpose.

"I am, Sir,
"Your most obedient,

humble servant,
"T. H. SANDERSON."

The above correspondence was forwarded to Mr. Burch, the Venezuelan Consul in

London, from whom the following reply has been received :VENEZUELAN CONSUL TO INTERNATIONAL

ARBITRATION ASSOCIATION.

"38, NICHOLAS-LANE, LOMBARD-STREET, 23rd December, 1892.

"DEAR SIR,-In reply to your letter of the 21st inst., it is well known that Venezuela has repeatedly endeavoured to attain a solution of the boundary dispute between England and herself on the basis of international arbitration.

"Although the Government of General Crespo, now in power, is a strong Government, and one of a highly popular character in the country, it must not be forgotten that a comparatively brief time has elapsed since their popular advent to power; consequently, although I have heard informally that the Government is taking steps to press the boundary question forward, I have not received any official notification from the Government on the subject.

"I shall, however, be pleased to send out your letter to the Government by the next mail, as I have no doubt your action in the matter will be cordially welcomed by General Crespo's Government; and I will communicate with you again on receipt of the Government's reply.

"I am, dear Sir,

"Yours faithfully,

"N. G. BURCH, Consul. "J. Frederick Green, Esq., Secretary, "International Arbitration and Peace Association, "40, Outer Temple, Strand."

UNIVERSAL PETITION.

THE representatives of the various Peace Societies which met at 47, New Broad Street, on the 6th of December, to consider the suggestion of the Berne Congress respecting the general petitioning in various countries, decided to confine the subject of the petition to be promoted in this country to a definite question of practical and actual politics, and adopted the following:

FORM OF PETITION.

To the Honourable the Commons of Great Britain and Ireland in Parliament assembled.

The Humble Petition of the inhabitants of

Sheweth,--That in the various countries of Europe the people are suffering grievously from the burdens of taxation owing to the numerous preparations for war ;

That your Petitioners believe that it is very necessary that some remedy should be found for this deplorable state of things;

That your Petitioners have learnt with the utmost satisfaction that both houses of the American Congress have unanimously authorised the President to conclude a Treaty of Arbitration with any other Power, and that the President has, in accordance with this authorisation, invited Great Britain and other Powers to conclude Treaties with the United States;

That your Petitioners believe that the conclusion of such a Treaty between Great Britain and the United States would furnish a splendid example, and might induce other Governments to join the peaceful compact, and thus prevent the waste of national resources upon war-provoking institutions.

Your Petitioners, therefore, pray your Honourable House to take the necessary steps to induce Her Majesty's Government to open up communications with the President of the United States, with a view to the conclusion of a Treaty of Arbitration between this country and America.

And your Petitioners will ever pray, &c. Written and printed forms of the Petition, to which we ask our friends to obtain signatures, together with

Dec. 13.-APPOINTMENT OF MONSIEUR JULES SIEGFRIED AS MINISTER OF COMMERCE IN FRANCE.— Resolved: "That this Committee desire to heartily congratulate M. Jules Siegfried, Vice-President of the Société Français pour l'Arbitrage entre Nations, and also a member of this Association, on his appointment as Minister of Commerce in the French Government, trusting that he may have a long and distinguished career in his high office, for which his high character and great ability render him eminently fitted.

The Committee being well aware of M. Siegfried's warm support of the principle of peace and arbitration, feel sure that he will use all his influence in favour of peaceful relations between the French Republic and other countries; and also hope that M. Siegfried will use his best endeavours to obtain the insertion of arbitration clauses in all Treaties of Commerce between France and other nations, which will come more especially within his purview as Minister of Commerce.

-RESOLUTION OF THE DANISH FOLKETING.Resolved: "That a hearty letter of congratulation be sent to Mr. Fredrik Bajer and his colleagues on the success of the motion in favour of a Danish-American Arbitration Treaty."

1893. Jan. 3.-LORD MEATH'S LETTER TO THE CHAIRMAN OF THE LONDON SCHOOL BOARD.-Resolved: "That with reference to the letter of the Earl of Meath to the Chairman of the London School Board offering to give £50 towards the provision of Union Jacks to be displayed in Board Schools, this Committee trust that should the offer be accepted no use will be made of the flags tending to foster among the children either a spirit of militarism, or of contempt for, or disparagement of, other nations.” -RENEWAL OF HOSTILITIES IN THE SOUDAN. -Resolved: "That in view of the renewed movements of the Dervish tribes in the Soudan, this Committee would strongly urge on Her Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs and the authorities at Cairo, that efforts should be made to negotiate with and pacify these tribes, by redressing such real grievances as may be found to exist amongst those people and their chiefs."

The Editor acknowledges, with thanks, the receipt of the following:-Herald of Peace, Arbitrator, Les Etats-Unis d'Europe, Revue Libérale, Le Devoir, Bulletin des Sommaires, Revue de l'Orient, Die Nation, Die Waffen Nieder, Peacemaker, American Advocate of Peace, Il Secolo, La Libertà e la Pace (Palermo), Financial Reformer, Le Courrier Diplomatique, Corrispondenza Verde, Friedenker (Milwaukee).