independent Powers; the evident bad humour produced in a large number of Englishmen by the arrangement entered into between the King of the Belgians and France relative to the Congo Free State, all these things are sufficient indications of an increasing hostility in English political and commercial spheres to the extension of the colonial dominion of France and its industrial and commercial developement. This is a grave fact and, as it seems to us, all the more regrettable at a time when French opinion is less hostile to foreign nations than it has ever been; when even the most determined partisans of an active military policy, and of an increase in armaments, consider this armed peace under which we are forced to live, as a real evil for the country, and as a temporary evil which our children will perhaps see disappear from Europe; at a time when the repugnance formerly so marked in our country towards arbitral procedure is giving way before a juster appreciation of the international situation; when men for long devoted to the cause of peace take their place, in the counsels of the Government, or are invested with the most important and most delicate diplomatic functions; when, finally, a French fleet, is going to represent the nation at the fêtes to which Germany has courteously invited her together with the other maritime nations. When a country has for keeper of the seals a member of the administrative council of an International Arbitration Society, when another member of the same council has become ambassador to a great Power, friendly, it is true, but still a rival at almost all points of the globe; when it is in courteous and friendly relations with a great military State which robbed it of two of its most beautiful provinces and with which it could enter on a struggle on equal terms, it is difficult to maintain that this country remains warlike, that it cares for no other triumphs than those of the battle-field, for no other glory than the bloodstained glory of arms. It will be a good many years, no doubt, before all Frenchmen give up the old ideas of revenge, the old mistrust and jealousy of other nations, before all abjure the old chauvinistic policy of conquest, the policy the only object of which was to have the French flag waving on every battle-field in Europe. It will be many years before they put their trust in a better future, when equity and justice interpreted by properly constituted tribunals will regulate international differences; but that day will come in spite of obstacles, and those who follow from day to day the variations of French opinion acknowledge that it is approaching more rapidly than the boldest dreamers had dared to hope.

It would not be well, however, if in proportion as the cause of peace were gaining ground on this side of the Channel, it were losing ground on the other. If all Englishmen were animated by sentiments so noble, so courteous, so well-meaning, as those which inspired the speech delivered by the Marquis of Dufferin and Ava at the banquet of the British Chamber of Commerce in Paris; if all displayed in their discussion of events the same lofty and luminous reason, concord would very quickly be established between the two great liberal nations of Europe, between two nations so well fitted to esteem, respect, and love each other, to afford each other mutual help in making use of the still undeveloped wealth of Asia and Africa. There is room in the vast colonial workshop for the activity of all the nations of Europe, and it is a sordid jealousy which causes any nation to consider the success of its neighbours as damage to itself. The civilised nations ought to understand that they are engaged on a common task, that they profit by the efforts and sacrifices of one another, and that every enriching of a particular nation effectively contributes to the enriching of mankind generally. It is a strange littleness of mind in a certain number of my compatriots to feel, I know not what affronts to their amour propre, in presence of the

marvellous colonial expansion of England in the present century, an expansion which has benefited all the nations of Europe, and France as well as the others. But when Englishmen take to being jealous of recent additions to our modest colonial empire, this same sordidness of mind is mixed with a little that is ridiculous. Marvellous as is the aptitude for colonisation of the Anglo-Saxon race, preponderating as may be her role in the commercial exploitation of the whole world, she cannot legitimately pretend to a monopoly, and it always produces a strange effect to see a millionaire who bitterly complains if a modest neighbour adds a small portion of land to his domain. But in a matter of sentiment no obligation exists, and if it pleases our English neighbours to be jealous of us, no one on this side of the Channel would dream of considering it a crime, on condition that their proceedings always remain courteous and correct. That which is the basis of all good relations, alike between nations and individuals, is sincere and loyal respect, respect for obligations contracted between each other. To recognise the protectorate of France over Madagascar, in exchange for the analogous recognition of the protectorate of England over Zanzibar, and then afterwards to deny that there exists between the Hova Government and the Government of the French Republic any bond of vassalage, and that a war between the two parties is similiar to a war between two independent states, would be a double-faced policy, a shifty and unjust policy, in every way unworthy of a great nation. I know perfectly well that it is not that of the English Government, and that it has, resolutely, and with perfect loyalty and dignity, refused to take the line imprudently urged by certain intemperate "jingoes"; but such opinions are held by too many representatives in Parliament, and have found a sympathetic echo in a portion of the press. It is still more to be regretted that a man like Mr. Edward Dicey, whose diplomatic ability is recognised, should maintain that engagements entered into by a Prime Minister with regard to foreign powers, when they are not made part of a diplomatic instrument, only bind the Minister who entered into them, and that England is not bound by the obligation which Mr. Gladstone contracted in the face of Europe, and in particular of France, to proceed to the evacuation of Egypt as soon as the state of the country should permit There are certain proceedings of honour in Oriental Courts. A plenipotentiary is charged with negotiations with the Power with which there is a struggle, time is gained, "the carpet is amused,” and when armaments have been renewed or the situation has changed, the ambassador is disavowed under the pretence that his powers were not in proper form. What makes the relations between European nations secure is, on the contrary, that the word of the heads of Governments and their diplomatic representatives can be trusted; that is more essential than ever with the democratic régime which tends to prevail everywhere, but we must give up all hope of a better future, we must resign ourselves to the eternal reign of force, if by any misfortune the strange theories of Mr. Dicey should prevail. L. MARILLIER.

GERMANY.

I agree with M. Marillier when he says that language, race, religion, &c., do not constitute a nation. That all applies to Elsass-Lothringen; and he thinks that that country, not having been asked whether it would like to be German or not, should not have been annexed. The results of all wars must be disastrous to many; but why does he make an exception as regards ElsassLothringen only? If we once begin with that country, we must allow that it is just that other annexed countries should be restored to their former owners. I ask M. Marillier to study the subjoined little table.

According to his views, the following countries must change hands, and I have only chosen those that have passed from one country to another during the present century, and have not exhausted the list by any means: Heligoland to England; Cyprus to Turkey; Nice to Italy; Malta to France; Schleswig-Holstein to Denmark; Bosnia, Bessarabia, Batoum, Kars, Ardahan to Turkey; Venice to Austria; Honolulu to Queen Liliuokalani. My friend, Mr. Hodgson Pratt, deplores that the German friends of peace will not entertain the question of Elsass-Lothringen. Not because we are Germans, not because Elsass-Lothringen belonged to France and belongs to Germany do we refuse to do so, but on principle. Let M. Marillier and Mr. Hodgson Pratt look at my little table, and tell me how the friends of peace are going to make peace when they want, first of all, to be distributors of territory. Before everything peace must be assured. What may come after that is another question, and M. Marillier moves on dangerous ground when he says that France cannot entertain the question of peace before the question of Elsass-Lothringen has been settled. In what position would he and those who share his views be when the remaining nations of Europe come to an understanding without any disputes about territory-as they must do. I said the Jews were the chief agitators in ElsassLothringen. M. Marillier cannot believe it. It was Napoleon I. that deplored that "both departments, Alsace and Lorraine, were entirely in the hands of the Jews"! M. Marillier says "only a man who has never lived in France could believe and put forward in writing such extraordinary ideas, which could only be excused in the heat of after-dinner conversation.' But I merely endorsed what Napoleon said, and I have lived for many years in Elsass-Lothringen, and I know France. But M. Marillier has forgotten his French history; he evidently does not know Elsass-Lothringen. He assumes I do not know France, and thinks that I, a professional writer, only take the pen in hand when I am in an after-dinner mood. I am too earnest a worker in the cause of peace to write on that subject in anything but a sober frame of mind.

ITALY.

It was with immense satisfaction that I read in the last issue of CONCORD the letter from Florence concerning the social condition of Italy and her foreign policy. have for many years so repeatedly spoken of the disproportion between the foreign policy and the needs and resources of the country, I almost fear I must have wearied the readers of CONCORD with my persistence which must have seemed to them almost a fixed idea on my part, or at least a very exaggerated view of the case. As there are some Italians whose patriotism, unlike that of Dante, and Leopardi, who sang only with just pride in salutary praise of their beloved country, consists in exalting its merits, and vaunting its greatness abroad, it is well that a voice from the banks of the Arno, should make itself heard, which in the midst of our African enterprises and recent brilliant victories, recalls the public mind to the sad contemplation of existing realities and the distressing condition of the masses. It is only too true that although the high rate of the public funds, and the lower rate of exchange are undeniable facts, yet the financial condition of the nation is still deeply depressed. Taxes which are much heavier than the overburdened ratepayer can bear, exhaust the landowner, the agriculturist, and the commercial man, thus impeding that development which is absolutely necessary to the production of wealth. To the cry of hunger which reaches us from Sicily, through the medium of Sigr. Diego Martelli, we must alas! add the same cry from villages not far off Rome, which in these latter days, thanks to an exceptionally severe winter, has come to contribute a grievous celebrity to our sad chronicles of misery and sorrow. But alas! when we have expressed our heartfelt grief at all this, what else is left to us? Not even the consoling hope of any possible efficacious change in the political or financial bearings of our country, which would relieve it from this deplorable condition. And it is still more useless to hope for such changes at a time when the governing powers are leaning towards aggrandisement, and we find ourselves pledged to consolidate, and even extend the regions we already occupy in Africa; whilst to this must be added the inebriating effects of the brilliant successes of our troops under the able command of Genl. Baratieri. It is then only in the future that we shall be able to analyse and dispassionately pass judgment upon the concatenation of circumstances which have involved Italy in a policy which has created the present order of things both social and political, preventing her from holding that "enviable position at home," that "strong and respected position in the face of Europe," that Sigr. Diego Martelli, together with not a few other eminent men in Italy, are so desirous of seeing. As it is, and as we are now situated, it is impossible to see when and how any salutary change can be effected. The fact which has been remarked upon by Sigr. Bonghi in a speech he made lately at a meeting of "L'Unione Monarchica Liberale" of Naples, is not one of the minor effects of the general situation of Europe, and of the predominant system of armed peace in which Italy takes part. Sigr. Bonghi expresses himself as follows: "The peril of war between nation and nation may be averted, but the peril of strife between the different classes of each country has considerably increased." Now is not this social question to which Sigr. Boughi alludes, daily becoming more and more menacing, aggravated by the increasing distress around us caused by the enormous military budget? If Governments could only turn their attention for awhile from the political situation and the military armaments, and concentrate it wholly on the wants of the people, and the means of avoiding the evil effects of a subversive propaganda, and help the spread of wholesome ideas with proper moral and intellectual education, trying at the same time to alleviate the

Krupp has promised to supply the guns for arming certain vessels of war if the Reichstag should grant the money necessary to build them, and he is ready to give these guns at cost price. Does not this look as though we were coming to the end of our tether, when we can no longer afford to pay for materials of war? Many are of opinion that the faster we go on arming the sooner the nations are likely to be brought to reason. This looks somewhat like the beginning of the end. From Berlin I hear of the following case: An Elsasser, a Mennonite, was conscribed and put into the ranks of the Kaiser-Alexander-Grenadier-Guards. It being against his tenets to bear arms against anybody, he refused to take his rifle, and was thereon imprisoned for two months. On being sent back to his regiment he again refused to take a rifle in his hand, when the poor fellow was sent to prison again. What the end of him be it is difficult to say.

may

I much regret an attack made upon the officers and men of the Elbe by the Herald of Peace. It assumes that they had all passed through some State naval training (which assumption is incorrect), and deduces from this fact that these men have been made cowards. It relies on the testimony of passengers. Surely the testimony of the English pilot-Greenham, I think, is his name who said that there was perfect order on board, should be as reliable as that of passengers, who cannot be judges in nautical affairs. But I regret the injustice of the accusation against the officers and men of the Elbe less than the fact that such discussions, instead of furthering the cause, do it infinite damage. The pen is as dangerous as the sword, each in its own

way.

Wiesbaden, March 9th, 1895.

A. BOTHMER.

present distress, would they not be ministering more efficiently to the betterment of political and social order? Such is the programme of the friends of peace, that beneficent and saving programme which CONCORD, and the great Association which it represents, have never ceased to promulgate. What a blessing for Europe, what a blessing for Italy more especially, if this programme had been carried out! But we fear that only greater misery, and more terrible consequences will open the eyes of politicians to the practical wisdom, which is now almost sneered at, of the ideas and unceasing counsels of the promoters and friends of International Arbitration and Peace. Rome, March 1895. VITTORE PRESTINI.

ITEMS.

"LE SIGNAL."-Under this title a group of French Protestants have established a daily paper, which has now been issued for nearly a year. The aim of the paper is to exercise a moral influence on political circles, among the senators, deputies, clubs, &c., of France. Le Signal also strongly supports the principles of International Peace and Arbitration. Pastor J. E. Cerisier is now in England for the purpose of enlisting support from sympathisers, who are specially invited to take shares, which are £4 each, in the paper.

THE LOMBARD UNION.-This active Society has just held its Annual Meeting, which was presided over by E. T. Moneta, who gave an eloquent address on the progress of the movement. The Report for 1894 was approved, and the Committee for the year elected. It was also announced that addresses would shortly be given in Milan by Ferri, Bovio, and Novikow.

BRITISH GUIANA AND VENEZUELA.-On the 21st of Feb. last, President Cleveland signed the joint resolution of Congress earnestly recommending to Great Britain and Venezuela his suggestion that the boundary dispute between the two countries should be settled by arbitration.-Reuter. [Our Association has spared no efforts, during the last three years, to induce the British Government to submit this question to arbitration; and we cannot understand why this course has not been pursued.]

L'ASSOCIATION DE LA PAIX PAR LE DROIT.-The "Society of the Young Friends of Peace" have done well, we think, in calling themselves by this new name, -that of their excellent monthly review-"Peace through Law." The change is justified by the growing value of their work, and by the fact that the valiant "Young" founders of this society at Nimes will in time grow old. We are glad to have this opportunity of saying how heartily we appreciate the ability and impartiality with which they have done this work. Long life to them! La Paix par le Droit costs five sous per month; and is edited by M. Jacques Dumas.

DISCUSSION OF INTERNATIONAL PROBLEMS AT PEACE CONGRESSES.-In CONCORD for December, we informed our readers that Captain Gaston Moch had published in the Almanach de la Paix a vigorous appeal, calling upon peace workers to discuss the great international problems of the time at the annual Peace Congresses. Upon this the editor of La Paix par le Droit invited some of our fellow-workers to send in papers expressing their opinions of this proposal for publication in that review. The subject has created great interest, and replies have been printed in the numbers for January, February and March, contributed by the following:M. M. Trarieux, Léon de Montluc, the Baroness von Suttner, Mdme. Griess-Traut, MM. Th. Hering, G.

Moch, Eusèbe Rustique, Elie Ducommun, Fredrik Bajer, E. Arnaud, Franz Wirth, Hodgson Pratt, Georges C. Pisani, and J. Novicow. We hope to publish a summary of these replies, and we commend the subject to the attention of our colleagues.

M. TRARIEUX.-The new Minister for Justice in France, has received alike from English and French peaceworkers, letters expressing profound satisfaction that so eminent a representative of their principles has been appointed a member of the present Ministry. The following extract from the address he delivered at the opening of the Inter-Parliamentary Conference held last year at The Hague, is worth quoting: "There is not a higher cause than that which we are here assembled to promote. It is not the cause of this or that nation which you may individually, as patriots, desire to serve. It is the cause of humanity itself. We can reply to all who may question the utility of our undertaking, that we are not mere sentimentalists, but that we are doing the work of well-advised and practical statesmen. You have proved that your cause is supported by absolute reason, and that it only needs the efforts and good-will of men to make it triumph."

THE PEACE CONGRESS OF 1895.-The Committee of the International Bureau of Peace have expressed an opinion in favour of Luxembourg as the place of meeting for this year's Congress. A Peace Society has been established in the capital of the Grand Duchy through the effort of M. Houzeau de Lehaie, who presided at the Congress of last year. The city is at a short distance from Brussels, were the Inter-parlia mentary Conference will be held this year. Both meetings will probably take place in August.

GERMANY.-We learn from the Correspondance Autographiée that another Branch of the German Peace Society has been opened during the past month; on this occasion at Löwenberg, in Silesia. Its inauguration is due, as in the case of other societies, to the indefatigable efforts of Herr Richard Feldhaus, at the conclusion of an address delivered by him in that town. He has also addressed a meeting convoked by the Görlitz Branch of the Central Society. Many new members joined at the close of the proceedings, including the Burgomaster of the town, which has a population of 62,000.

FRANCE AND GERMANY.-The French Government has informed that of Germany that France will be officially represented at the inauguration of the Baltic Canal. This news has been received with great satisfaction in Germany. On the other hand, the latter will take part in the Universal Exhibition at Paris in the year 1900.-Correspondance Autographiée.

THE SOCIALIST MEMBERS OF THE REICHSTAG.-They recently brought forward a motion in the German Parliament for the abolition of the standing army, and for the substitution of a militia. When the question came to a vote, the Socialists were the only supporters of the proposal.

WORDS OF FAREWELL TO MAZZOLENI.-The following words were pronounced over the tomb of our esteemed friend, by his eloquent colleague, Moneta: "There is nothing more grand than goodness; more rich than knowledge; more immortal than love. These three gave inspiration and consolation to Mazzoleni; and in their name we send our last adieu to the friend who is no more."

A STATE SUBSIDY FOR THE WORK OF PEACE.-TheFederal Council of Switzerland have voted, for the present year, a grant of £40 to the International Buresu

of Peace. Bravo, Switzerland ! When will other Governments follow your good example?

THE LOMBARD UNION OF PEACE.-Our brethren at Milan have issued an eloquent address to all the peace societies respecting the unhappy state of discord which reigns among the nations of Europe. Every international difference, says this appeal, is magnified by prejudice, rancour, and personal interests; and the maintenance of peace is greatly endangered. It becomes, therefore, the solemn duty of all associations, which have the progress of society for their object, to unite in the work of educating the public in opposition to the spirit of selfish monopoly and antagonism. The nations must unite with each other for moral and economic progress; and, for this end, mere wishes do not suffice. We must all support every effort made on behalf of private and public morality, of local administration, and of political liberty. We presume that we may attribute this excellent appeal to our indefatigable and earnest fellow-worker, T. Moneta.

M. FRÉDÉRIC PASSY.

THERE is no man at this time who surpasses the President of the French Arbitration Society in unceasing efforts for our cause. His eloquent public addresses, spoken and written, all marked by great elevation of thought and power of argument, have been of late so numerous that we cannot keep pace with them. He is doing for the question of Peace what Cobden did for Free Trade, and, indeed, on both those great doctrines the two men are at one. On this occasion we can only find room for a single extract from one of M. Passy's recent discourses, "I venture in all humility to predict one or two things for Europe. Either she will range herself on the side of Peace, or she will not; and upon her decision will depend her future. If she is to remain at the head of civilisation, she must renounce acts of injustice and violence, her superstitious belief in force, her animosities and her conquests. She must cease to cast into a bottomless pit, her wealth, the blood of her citizens, and the fruits of her labour and thrift. Or, on the other hand, Europe, who already should perceive that the sceptre of civilisation trembles somewhat in her hands, will see this royalty pass away to the other side of the Ocean. She will see other peoples, who know better how to employ their forces in working, in producing, and in living, instead of killing, take the lead in human affairs, and wrest from this old continent the glory which has so long been hers."

A NEW CRUSADE.

M. POTONIE-PIERRE, in his weekly Chronicle of Peace, published in the Epoque of Paris, suggests that to the annual Peace Congress and Interparliamentary Conference should be added a new agency pro propaganda fide. He wants to see a body of "pacificators "--men of all nationalities-form themselves into a great league and go through Europe preaching the gospel of unity and concord. He thinks that such a travelling company of preachers would produce a mighty impression on the public mind, and that crowds would flock to our standard. The speeches would be reported in hundreds of newspapers, and would be widely read and discussed. The masses of the people would rally round the heralds of a better day; and soon these voices would penstrate Parliament Houses and Council Chambers.

In support of this spirited appeal, M. Potonié-Pierre calls to mind a splendid event of the year 1849, when

The

a congress was held in Paris, over which Victor Hugo presided, supported by Richard Cobden, Elihu Burritt, Henry Richard, Frederic Bastiat, and others. Englishmen present on that occasion invited their French friends to cross the Channel and take part in a series of peace meetings in the chief cities of England. The appeal was heartily responded to, and among the visitors were Horace Say, Frederic Bastiat, Denis Potonié (our friend's father), Joseph Garnier, and others. The first meeting was at Exeter Hall, London, and was attended by six thousand persons, under the chairmanship of W. Ewart, M.P. This was followed by a meeting at the Town Hall, Birmingham, when eight thousand persons attended, of whom a large proportion were working-men. They received with deafening shouts of applause every word spoken in favour of international fraternity. Then came another splendid gathering at Manchester, in the Free Trade Hall-built by the Anti Corn-Law League-that precursor of peace congresses. George Wilson presided, with John Bright by his side, but Cobden was detained in London by his wife's illness. On this occasion Bright, in a familiar style, spoke as follows: "See these Frenchmen sitting here-whom some persons would consider our 'natural enemies'! ('Shame!') Do you want to go to war with them? ('Never! never!') Do you not regard them as your brothers? ('Aye! aye!') Well, then, let us give them three hurrahs, such as Lancashire lungs know how to give!" Thereupon followed an explosion of enthusiasm, even greater than what had been seen at the previous meetings.

M. Potonié-Pierre concludes this interesting record by saying that we ought to follow the splendid precedent that we should remember Pascal's words: "Opinion is the queen of the world, and teach all men the inviolability of human life, and the eternal truths of fraternity and justice."

Who will join the new crusade? Many may be registered at our office!

AN OLD BOY.

THE ARBITRATION TREATY WITH THE UNITED STATES.

"MR. CREMER, M.P., has returned in high spirits from his trip to the States. 'Satisfied!' he cried to a representative of The Westminster Gazette, who had a chat with him yesterday on the subject of his mission, 'I am more than satisfied. If I haven't brought back the treaty in my pocket, I have done the next best thing to it.' And Mr. Cremer went on to explain that, as the result of his inquiries, his hopes of the speedy ratification of a treaty of Arbitration between England and the States are higher than they ever were before.

"I had an hour's talk on the subject with President Cleveland,' Mr. Cremer continued, and though, of course, I am not at liberty to tell you all that passed between us, I can say that I have every reason to anticipate as the result of that conversation, that, before many months-possibly weeks-have passed, such a treaty as we desire will have been framed and carried through by our American friends and submitted to our Government.'

"There is no reason, you think, to fear any serious opposition on the other side?' 'I don't think there is at all. All the best men in Congress are heartily with us. The President himself is an enthusiastic supporter of the cause; Sir Julian Pauncefote, our admirable representative at Washington, is working most heartily towards the same end; and, altogether, it is as certain as anything can be in American politics that the thing will go through. Probably it will not come before the House of Representatives at all. In all likelihood the treaty will be drafted and determined by the President

and Senate. Only, if any money appropriation should be needful, is the House likely to have anything to say in the matter-though I do not, of course, mean for one instant to suggest that the House is in any way less friendly to the cause than the Senate, for this is not the case at all.'

"And what will be the nature of the treaty ?' 'On that subject all that can be said at present, is that it will provide generally for the settlement of all differences between the two countries which cannot otherwise be determined by means of arbitration. The precise form and details of the document will necessarily be the subject of much consideration. Quite possibly it will be necessary at first to exclude certain classes of disputes from the operation of the treaty, but how many or of what nature these may be, need not now concern us. It is the principle which is being contended for at present, and that is clear enough; and the principle, as I have said, will be established beyond dispute by the treaty which is even now being framed." Westminster Gazette.

M. FRÉDÉRIC PASSY ON THE INTER

DEPENDENCE OF NATIONS.

THE Monde Economique of Paris publishes a letter addressed by M. Frédéric Passy to the Baroness Von Suttner, on the occasion of the annual meeting of the Vienna Peace Society. The veteran French peacemaker takes the opportunity of showing, in most eloquent language, how increasingly inter-dependent the nations become from day to day. Everything that the citizens of one country eat, drink, and wear-all their agencies and instruments of communication and transit-are international in the materials used, in the brains which apply them, and in the capital which provides them. Inventions, discoveries, and ideas are all International, coming as they do from every part of the globe. If a plague breaks out in one country, it endangers all the others; if some strike or failure occurs in one spot it endangers the industry of some other spot. M. Passy concludes as follows:-"It is civilisation at large which would suffer, if at any place the horrible monster should be let loose, which for twenty-three years past, the wisdom of Governments and the will of the peoples have kept in check. It is that same civilisation which has been exposed to constant danger by the precarious and unstable peace of these twenty-three years-capable at any moment of being transformed into a general war. God there are a thousand signs that we have not undertaken in vain this holy war against war'-this crusade of the nineteenth century, which is destined, as Father Gratry says, 'to rescue the real Sepulchre of Christ'-Humanity." ("International Unity," Echo.)

Thank

LE MAGAZINE INTERNATIONAL.'

WE are glad to receive the first number of Le Magazine International, and to find in it another publication destined to arouse sympathy with the work of promoting international understanding generally, and of supporting the aims of our Peace Societies at home and abroad in particular. It appears in French, and is the organ of the "Société Internationale Artistique."

It seems principally to have set itself the task of making the French public familiar with some of the best things written in foreign languages. Thus we find excellent articles and pieces of poetry by Bertha v. Suttner, Walt Whitman, Swinburne, and others,

ATTILA AND HIS CONQUERORS.
A STORY BY MRS. CHARLES.
London: S.P.C.K.

DOUBTLESS the name of the Society, which is the publisher of this story, will cause it to be regarded with some suspicion by our opponents; and, perhaps, even some of our friends will fear that the names, both of publisher and authoress, will tend to frighten away all who prefer the complete separation of amusement from edification. But, if this story has a moral, it is drawn from the pages of authentic history; and it is one all the more valuable to us that it is concerned, not so much with the horrors of war, as with the higher forces that make for peace. Doubtless we cannot expect that any conqueror of modern times will be turned from his career of conquest by such an appeal as that of Bishop Lupus, of Troyes, which first checked the savage career of the Huns in Gaul; or even by that more celebrated rebuke administered by Bishop Leo to Attila in the height of his career of plunder and massacre in Lombardy, when his fierce temper was inflamed at once by the recollection of the defeat of Chalons, and by the apparent helplessness of the rich Lombard cities. Yet it is well to remember that these things did actually take place; that one of the most savage barbarians whom the world has ever seen withdrew from the city of Troyes, when it was almost certain to have been taken, at the simple request of its aged bishop; and that he afterwards abandoned altogether his career of conquest, and his hope of marching in triumph into the capital of the Western World, merely because Bishop Leo of Rome had met him face to face, and impressed him with the sense of a power that he could not resist.

The exact way in which spiritual force has to encounter physical force in each period of history may be difficult to foresee; but the struggle will last, at any rate, as long as physical force exists. The encounter of Burke with the Lord George Gordon rioters in the last century, and of Sir Moses Montefiore with the mob of Bucharest in our own time, are illustrations of this struggle; though doubtless the difficulty is increased in our own time by the alliance of matter with a certain kind of intellect in its struggle against spirit. Yet the question at issue is really the same as in the time of Attila.

I need scarcely say that the subject of this book gives opportunities for most graphic descriptions; and Mrs. Charles has used her opportunities to the utmost. The descriptions of the sieges and deliverances of Orleans and Troyes will certainly interest many who do not much care for the general purpose of the book.

TE. M.

THE ARMIES OF EUROPI.

THE effective strength of the Russian army in time of peace is 1,020,000 men; in time of war the armed force of Russia car. be carried to 4,500,000 nen, with 3,360 pieces of artillery. A similar calculation applied