whereas the British Government persistently declines to lay papers before Parliament, and to state fully and openly what are the points in the Venezuelan case which it considers unsuitable for arbitration. No doubt pressure is being brought to bear on the Home Government by the colony of British Guiana; but that can be no excuse for our going back on our solemnly pledged word. So that we trust further action will be taken in Parliament, and that our Government will be compelled to state its case openly, and without reserve; so then this long unsettled dispute may be, without further delay, referred to arbitration-a course which we venture to say would long ago have been adopted had our opponent been a strong instead of a weak State. J. F. G.

"WHY NOT, INDEED ? The Pall Mall Gazette recently discovered what to it was quite a new thing, thus described:-"The most unexpected thing in the world-a French Nonconformist conscience-seems to be expressing itself, not by the mouths of women and ministers, but entirely by that of laymen; and its subject is Disarmament. Nothing more improbable has happened for a long time." But it is only to ill-informed and mere conventional observers that "the unexpected always happens." Had the writer of this note only occasionally looked into CONCORD, he would have been aware that this movement towards Disarmament, or large proportional reduction of armaments, has long been prevalent on the Continent. And the excellent letter of our French correspondent, M. Marillier, would show him how this desire pervades amongst some of all classes-French Catholics as well as Protestants.

With

The

THE RIGHT WAY OUT OF EGYPT. regard to the practicability of withdrawing British military control from Egypt within some reasonable period, we have never ignored the need for certain essential conditions being fulfilled. chief of these is that, so far as may be compatible with Moslem sentiments and genuine patriotism amongst the Egyptians themselves, a sufficient proportion of the settled population of the Nile Valley shall be trained in habits of administrative integrity and capacity for efficient public service. It goes without saying that some education in Western methods of detail and business methods is needful; but colleges and schools only go a little way towards fitting any community to hold its own and effectively work out its selfreliant natural existence. The sense of individual and corporate responsibility can only be created by the exercise of responsibility. Hence we have asked, and, as yet have asked almost in vain, for definite proof and trustworthy testimony that our dominating power in Egypt has been applied in that constructive, and healthy progressive direction. No doubt something has been done to this wise end. We should be quite prepared to receive circumstantial statements to this effect from, say, such men as the Hon. Sir John Scott, or from Sir Raymond West who for some time exercised these high judicial functions at Cairo, now again in the

hands of the former competent authority. Let either of them report hereon to the public. And it would not be amiss to receive similar testimony from French-Egyptian administrators of like experience. This would afford assurance of impartiality in such joint report.

Recently the annual report by Lord Cromer on financial administration and "Progress of Reforms" in Egypt has been placed before the public. As usual, it is characterised by his special skill and faculty of clear exposition. Of course, the state of the finance is "very satisfactory"; and we need not lay more stress than he does on the dog-in-the-manger attitude of France and one or two other Powers which prevents the surpluses being devoted to the reduction of debt charge and relief of taxation. That is one of the perversities inseparable from the present false position.

Our concern is, as explained above, with the efforts that are being made or developed towards utilising the people themselves in the administration of their own country. The rapid indeed, extraordinary-extension of elementary and ordinary school instruction described in the report indicates that a good foundation for such utilisation of native talent has been laid. But we find Egyptian co-operation in the higher ranks of little indication of any appreciable extension of responsible administration. No doubt, as Lord Cromer remarks, this is a course of policy that is "both difficult and delicate." But it is at once our international duty and our true political interest. There are some signs that our capable Resident at Cairo himself recognises this. For instance, let us notice the thoughtful passage in which he describes a plan-for which his lordship gives Nubar Pasha credit-" regarding the nomination and position of the village Omdahs and Shikhs (which) is an attempt to utilise an ancient and venerable institution in the interests of progressional civilisation." Here, then, is an example of the obviously right course, that of encouraging the Egyptians to manage their own affairs, and it seems a matter for regret that this reform of the very basis of administration has not been in working order long ago. So far as we have been able to glance through the report, there is little if any indication of similar systematic efforts to utilise rising young Egyptians, who have already been equipped in Western culture, in the higher and more conspicuous position in the administrative ranks. There is, indeed, Lord Cromer's frank acknowledgment, that "the present Ministers and the superior English officials in the various departments of the State are working cordially together, to the great benefit of the population of Egypt, and of all interested in Egyptian affairs." This indicates not only the right spirit, but the right way out from under the burden and false position of exclusive British military domination of Egypt-an abnormal state of things which, until it be superseded by the higher and more constructive policy we have described, must remain as chronic irritation in our international relations, alike with France, the Egyptians, and Mussulman sentiment everywhere.

W.

OUR FOREIGN CORRESPONDENCE.

FRANCE.

1 HAVE no wish to prolong for an indefinite period the controversy between Count Bothmer and myself; but the question is a grave one. Misunderstandings in these matters are easy, and Count Bothmer, having adopted an attitude which is very likely to cause them to arise, to my great regret I am obliged to return to the subject which divides us, although the discussion would seem to have been closed by my letter of February last. I have not succeeded in making myself understood by Count Bothmer. I have, no doubt, only myself to blame for this. I will endeavour to be more clear in the future, but has he not also possibly read my letter somewhat carelessly? I should not think of being offended at this, because he has not been any more careful to read what he has himself written. Count Bothmer wrote in the month of January: "The inhabitants of the country [Elsass-Lothringen] do not wish to become French again, and whatever agitation is now carried on there is the work of a certain number of Jews, who have property in Elsass-Lothringen and France." I protested with some vehemence against such a statement, and I had good reason for protesting, for my protest enabled Count Bothmer to perceive that he had not said what he intended to say, or, at least, to forget the opinion which he had at first put forward, and to formulate another less far removed from reality. He then reproaches me for having combated that which I had not for a thousand reasons, the best of which is that it was in March 'that Count Bothmer explained himself, and my letter appeared in February. Here in substance is the opinion of Count Bothmer in its new form: "I said the Jews were the chief agitators in Elsass-Lothringen." It sufficed for him to add a few words, and to say, for example, the Jews were among the chief agitators in Elsass-Lothringen, to be no longer far from the truth, and to put forward an opinion on which a discussion could be usefully and reasonably carried on. What is very curious is that Count Bothmer places the strange view, to which he has allowed himself to be won over on the question of AlsaceLorraine, under the patronage of Napoleon I., and that because Napoleon had said that these two provinces were in the hands of the Jews. Count Bothmer accuses me of being ignorant of the history of France—it is my business to teach it-because I had not conceived the idea of asking from Napoleon I. the solution of the differences which separate France and Alsace-Lorraine from the German empire created in 1871. This is ignorance worthy of praise. I know Alsace and the Alsatians, but it is not simply by questioning German officials that I have formed an opinion on the feelings and aspirations of those under their administration. That Count Bothmer has lived in Alsace and in France I regret keenly. I had hoped that if he had formed inexact opinions on facts, it was because he had imperfect knowledge of them, and that had he seen them from closer quarters, he would have understood them better. This hope we must abandon. Count Bothmer has voluntarily proved himself incapable of understanding facts, but what the reasons are which lead him to this infatuated blindness it would not be discreet to endeavour to discover.

Count Bothmer invites my venerable friend, Mr. Hodgson Pratt, and myself to cast our eyes over a little table which he has drawn up, of those territories ceded by one country to another in the course of this century and which, according to our theories, should undergo a change of hands. But do the Cypriotes desire to become Turkish subjects again, and do the Bosnians feel regret for the loss of Ottoman rule? The district of Nice became French by means of a vote freely given; the Venetians burned with desire to shake off the Austrian yoke, and had the same aspirations towards the Italian

fatherland as the Alsatians have at the present time towards the French fatherland. The Maltese have no reason for wishing to exchange one foreign rule for another, and they have no desire to do so. Queen Liliuokalani is not a people by herself that I know of, and if it pleases her subjects not to wish to be governed by her any longer, and to form a republic, that is an internal revolution, and concerns themselves only. Finally, if the Heligolanders wished to remain English, then the cession of their island to Germany was from our point of view unjustifiable; and as to SchleswigHolstein, the presence in the Reichstag of protesting Danish deputies is sufficient, in our opinion, to indicate the only equitable solution. But it is not the duty of France to take in hand the cause of all the victims in the world of a denial of justice. She may on occasion support their claims; she cannot make them the soul and raison d'être of her foreign policy and military organisation. It is to the question of Alsace-Lorraine alone that she holds fast, because but yesterday the Alsatians were French, because at heart they still feel that they are children of the French fatherland, because they are unwilling to renounce it and attach themselves to the German fatherland. That is their imprescriptible right, and nobody on this side of the Vosges would consider himself authorised to assure the welfare, the wealth, the expansion of France by accepting the state of things which exists to-day as a juridical and legal state, by making light of the legitimate demands of those who a quarter of a century ago were our compatriots, and have not ceased to feel and to assert that they are so still, by closing the door to every hope of a future more in conformity with their aspirations and desires. Let the people of Alsace-Lorraine vote on the question of their destiny, whether they wish to remain German, to become French again, or constitute an independent State, let them vote freely, without any pressure or intimidation; let it be left to each of the two provinces to decide for herself to whom she shall belong. Such a vote will be a sovereign verdict to which all liberal and wise men on this side of the frontier will bow. From that day forward there will be no longer a question of Alsace-Lorraine, but until that day it will remain open, in spite of any number of polemical subtleties. It is by analogous means that other questions, the Danish question, the Polish question, the questions of the Roumanians of Hungary, &c., can alone be settled, and if we only talk about Alsace, it is because it is more closely bound up with us, and because we are specially charged with pleading its cause before the tribunal of Europe; but we shall have our ears ever open to the pleadings of those who have the same misfortune, and who suffer from the same application of the pretended right of force, of the barbarous, discredited right of conquest. Peace is the greatest blessing which nations can enjoy, and it is above all things a blessing, because it can allow the arresting and reduction of the colossal armaments which are exhausting the wealth of Europe, and constitute an insurmountable obstacle to the realisation of all great democratic reforms; but the only solid and durable peace is that which is founded on respect for justice and right. Every peace which merely exists from fear of war will be unstable and shaky (though better than bloody struggles), a peace which will not be sincere, and in the track of which will follow rancour and hatred. Fruitful and fertile peace is to be found in friendship between nations, a cordial, affectionate and loyal understanding, and there can only be true friendship where there is mutual respect for all rights, a sincere desire to be just to one another. It is these principles, also, which should inspire the Press and Parliaments of England and France in the discussion in which they are engaged on the affairs of Africa; never was it more necessary than to-day to subordinate the national interest to the superior interest of justice;

never was it more indispensable to avoid irritating polemics and purposeless recriminations. All those who wield the pen ought to understand that they have a great duty to fulfil. The tone of most English Parliamentary speakers in discussing the questions which have arisen in Africa between England and France has wounded the least susceptible on this side of the Channel, and saddened some of the friends which England possesses among my compatriots. Without attempting to prejudge the subject-matter of the debate, one may confidently say that in such controverted and obscure questions an attitude of tolerant courtesy, good feeling ever ready for accommodations, an increasing regard for the rights of others and for the principles of equity are more than ever necessary, and perhaps easier to preserve than in European questions. L. MARILLIER.

Paris, April, 1895.

GERMANY.

Of the late Emperor William I., of Germany, it is well known that he was most adverse to war, and had not Bismarck been of opinion that war was needful to restore the unity of the country, it is most likely the Emperor would never have fought any battles. On more than one occasion, when his troops had suffered heavy losses, he shed bitter tears, and long after the war of 1870 his voice would tremble when he spoke of the losses the army had incurred. Of the Emperor of Austria the same thing is true. It seems impossible almost, looking back at the experiences these sovereigns had, that those who have the reins of government in their hands could, under any provocation, be tempted to enter on any war in a heedless manner. It has given much satisfaction in Germany that a caricature of the German Emperor which appeared in Belgium some little time ago, was suppressed in France, and I am in a position to be able to state with confidence that there is every appearance of a better feeling rapidly growing up between Germany aud France. Some attempts have indeed been made by the Press to show that unusual efforts are being made by Russia and France to mark the inimical feeling towards Germany, but little notice should be taken of these statements, which are, on the whole, mere inventions.

Some foolish sensitiveness has been shown by many of the German papers on account of an illustration which appeared in the Graphic. In it the attack on Wei-hai-Wei was shown. All the war vessels of every nation were under steam, the one German vessel under sail, and this latter fact is looked upon as a disgrace by the German Emperor himself. To me it would seem that as the neutral ships were merely loafing about, it could not matter in the least whether they were under sail or under steam, and if able to sail they had no right to waste fuel to no purpose. Such, however, is the foolish vanity of modern nations.

The secretary of the Wiesbaden Peace Society has had a very good opportunity of making our views known to the masses, and made use of it on March 31, when he spoke before a very large audience in the gymnasium of the place. What he said was followed with much interest.

When an authority like Prince Bismarck speaks it is natural that he should be believed. In one of his speeches recently made at Friedrichsruh he said, "One is naturally thankful for peace; at all times we Germans are ad utrumque paratus, to maintain peace if possible, to fight if it must be; but it is not fortunate for anybody." The effect of this is, however, spoiled by what followed. He points out that in nature fighting is eternally going on, and intimates that permanent peace is, for this reason, impossible. But whilst in nature plants and animals prey on one another because they must otherwise cease to exist, men on the other hand, having given up cannibalism, do not

need to exterminate one another. These false doctrines from the mouths of great men, do, alas! much damage.

In the Echo de Paris there was a very notable letter by Fouquier, a few days ago. He says he has sympathy for the Germans, that in victory they were moderate, that Frenchmen would have behaved in quite a different manner, and that the time has come to take a philosophical view of 1870 instead of a military one. This as another proof of the feeling of France.

Dr. Grelling, vice-president of the Berlin Society, has found a new society at Hamburg, which numbers some 200 members. The representatives of the various German groups delegated to Luxemburg will meet before the Congress, probably at Coblenz. I am endeavouring to make arrangements to obtain an audience of the Grand Duke of Luxemburg, and think it would be a good plan if a delegate from every society represented at Luxemburg were to ask for an audience also. It will, however, be necessary to ascertain how large the Grand Duke would like the deputation to be. Wiesbaden, April, 1895.

ITALY.

A. BOTHMER.

The voice of public conscience, in answer to the repeated efforts of the Societies of peace, claiming the cessation or at least the alleviation of the evils arising from excessive armaments, is making itself heard in many different ways, according to different countries and circumstances. Not long since several Italian and other journals, even of those not particularly well disposed towards the cause of peace, raised the hopes of the people by attributing to the Emperor of Germany the general intention, seizing the opportunity offered by the festivities at Kiel, to moot if possible, the question of an international conference with the object of bringing about an entente cordiale between the Powers upon the subject of disarmament. Il Secolo,

of Milan, was one of the first to spread this welcome report, and Il Messaggero, of Rome, published a leader on the subject headed "Peace and War." Passing in review the actual international condition of Europe, after premising that the presence of French ships at the solemn civic festivities of Kiel, which has been so rabidly opposed by the champions of a false patriotism, shows to what an extent the "universal longing for peace" imposes itself upon our rulers, it asks: "Whence can the dangers arise which are supposed to menace the peace of the world, and to which it is found necessary to oppose such ruinous armaments?" and replies that, now the peril is likely to come from beyond Europe and more especially from Africa. This surmise of the Messaggero is not altogether without actuality, as is shown by the frequent contentions and differences which arise from time to time between the European Governments on account of the African occupations. But might not the strength of public opinion, becoming daily more enlightened, together with the good will of our rulers, obviate all the difficulties and evils arising from the internal condition of Europe, or from colonial rivalry? The festivities of Kiel would become not only memorable, but intensely beneficial, if they should prove to be the starting point of an order of political ideas more in conformity with Christian civilisation; and if this friendly meeting of the European fleets to inaugurate a new route of communication should be the means of binding still closer the bonds of friendship between the people basing them on the fact of international disarmament and the great principle of arbitration. The Hon. Senator Alessandro Rossi, a noted manufacturer and distinguished economist, has sent a letter to La Gazetta di Venezia, which has been reproduced by other Italian journals, in which we find a passage deserving particular notice. The Hon. Senator points out the pernicious influence of Italian Freemasonry upon the Government, and upon the very life of the country

itself, quoting facts and observations which are not without weight. For example he says:-"Freemasonry affects a zeal for civilisation, but excludes religious education, it preaches love of the lower orders, but is void of all moral comfort even to the dying, extension of property to the many, but according to the principles of Socialists they adopt academical and scientific views, without spiritual teaching of any kind," &c. So far, however, the friends of peace have no right to interfere; but the Hon. Senator goes on to say that the cosmopolitanism of some pathetic friends of peace amongst the Freemasons tends to weaken the spirit of patriotism. These words might give rise to some misunderstanding by confounding Freemasonry with the Societies and the Apostles of peace, whilst the ideal of the latter is too well-known and spread abroad as being totally free from any sectarian spirit, having in their midst men of the most various religions and political creeds. Facts, however, speak too clearly of themselves rendering it useless to waste words on this subject. I will nevertheless permit myself one remark concerning Italy, viz., that the Societies and friends of peace, in Rome especially, have no reason to congratulate themselves upon the aid of the Freemasons, as it is a fact that amongst the foremost of the upholders of extensive armaments, the Triple Alliance, and the extension of African territory, there are many who are well-known to be affiliated to Freemasonry. The Hon. Senator Rossi is not without the means of ascertaining the whole truth of what I have barely alluded to, and he should certainly not involve in the responsibility attributed to the Masonic institutions, the Association for International Arbitration and Peace. Rome, April, 1895.

ITEMS.

VITTORE PRESTINI.

INTERNATIONAL COURTESIES BETWEEN ENGLAND AND FRANCE. It is, indeed, refreshing, amid this constant din of jarrings and squabblings, to hear sometimes notes of harmony and concord. We wish we could, every month, fill a column with notes like the following:-On the occasion of M. Felix Faure's visit to Havre, the English Government sent a cruiser to salute him. As she entered the port she fired a salute of twenty-one guns; and all the local authorities, with the officers of the garrison, assembled on the jetty to greet the Australia. The English flag was hoisted on the semaphore. Since then the officers of the Australia have been received by the President, who was subsequently entertained on board the cruiser. On the occasion of M. Alphonse Daudet's visit to London the other day, numerous societies and corporate bodies prepared to do him honour-as in the case of another eminent French author two years ago. The fact that M. Daudet's health prevented him from appearing in public diminishes in no respect the international value of these preparations.

FRANCE AND MADAGASCAR.-We learn from the Correspondance Autographiée of the 25th ult. that, up to that date, fourteen peace societies had requested the Hon. Secretary of the International Peace Bureau to forward a memorial to the King of the Belgians, requesting His Majesty to offer his services to the French and Malagasy Governments with a view to arbitration or mediation. The circumstances which led the societies in question to take this course were fully explained in our March number. The memorial in question was forwarded to King Leopold through the President of the Bureau, M. Fredrik Bajer, member of the Danish Parliament. Two societies, in addition to those above referred to, forwarded letters of adherence subsequently to the despatch of the memorial.

M. POTONIE-PIERRE.-The Epoque of Paris publishes a photograph and short memoir of this old and vigorous advocate of peace. We have often referred to his excellent fly-leaves, "Little Pleadings for Peace"; and he for some time wrote in the Epoque a weekly "Bulletin " of our movement. He often wrote articles in the wellknown journal of Emile de Girardin, La Liberté ; and so long ago as 1859 he projected a League for the abolition of permanent armies, international tariffs, and indirect taxation. In furtherance of this idea he sought the support of "men of light and leading" throughout Europe, from many of whom he received encouraging replies. Among these was Garibaldi, who in 1864 wrote as follows: "Your undertaking is holy. The difficulties which surround it make it all the more the duty of all the friends of international fraternity to help on the work." In 1866 M. Potonié-Pierre founded the "League of Public Welfare"; and he has ever had the devoted co-operation of his wife.

GREAT BRITAIN AS LIGHTNING-CONDUCTOR.-The Gazette of the Cross, a Roman Catholic newspaper of Berlin, is full of admiration for French efforts at Colonial expansion. "Simultaneously with her conquest of Madagascar she advances energetically into Dahomey and the Niger territory, and does not allow herself to be intimidated by England, who cries out all the more loudly because she does not intend to interfere."

"THE INTERNATIONAL ASSOCIATION OF THE PACIFIC PRESS."-Such is the English rendering of a_new society founded by M. Edouard Grimbert, of La Revue Pacifique et Littéraire-a new publication. He invites all journalists and literary men, who desire to promote the cause of peace, to join the association. Its members consist of two classes: ordinary members (paying an annual subscription of one franc) and honorary members (paying ten francs yearly). The object in view is to imbue the masses of the people with an enthusiasm for peace and arbitration. M. Grimbert appeals to his brother journalists everywhere to unite their efforts on behalf of that object, and says that he has already received many promises of co-operation.

HUNGARY. A Peace Society is in process of formation at Buda Pesth, and the veteran patriot, Moritz Jokai, has consented to join it, adding that he is heartily in favour of an effort to bring about a simultaneous disarmament.-Correspondance Autographiée.

A UNIVERSITY STUDENTS' SOCIETY.-We rejoice to learn that steps have been taken by several students of the University of Lyons to create a Peace Society. They have written to the Hon. Secretary of the International Bureau at Berne, expressing their earnest desire to promote the great cause, and to make every effort possible in its behalf.

DECEASE OF TH. HERING, OF BARR (ALSACE).-We much regret to learn that the Peace Movement has lost the services of a highly respected and earnest man. He was a member of the International League of Peace and Liberty from the earliest days of that society, and he continued his advocacy of its principles to the last.

HAMBURG.-A society has been formed in this important city, as the result of a striking address delivered by Dr. Richard Grelling to an audience of more than 600 persons. The president of the new society at Hamburg-Altona is Dr. S. Schlemm.

ERBACH (WURTEMBURG).—A branch of the German society has been formed in this town, as a result of a lecture delivered there by Herr Eberle, founder of the Ulm branch. Similarly, a society has been formed at

Alzey, in Rhine-Hessen, after an address by Councillor Kullmann.

THE Wiesbaden society is constantly recruiting fresh members from the neighbouring towns, and has just published its annual report. Our friend Count A. Bothmer, formerly an officer in the Prussian army, stated, in one of his recent speeches, that three-fifths of the German revenue was expended for military purposes.

THE well-known Liberal member of the German Parliament, Dr. Barth, has recently delivered a great speech on our question at Groningen. At Frankforton-Main, Herr Buchy, a schoolmaster, has addressed a meeting of the Society of Teachers on the subject of giving instruction to children respecting Peace. During the past two months, our friends Herren Franz Wirth and Gustav Maier have been indefatigable in this glorious propaganda.

GREAT BRITAIN AND NICARAGUA.-The British Government having demanded an indemnity of £15,000 for alleged personal injuries to British subjects, including Mr. Hatch, the Vice-Consul at Bluefields, and a Commission to arbitrate on the amount of damage done to the property of expelled British subjects, the Nicaraguan Government proposes that "all questions of payment for personal injury, damage to property, &c., shall be referred to an impartial Commission of arbitration."

THE LATE TITO PAGLIARDINI.

DEEPLY do we regret to record the death of our old friend and fellow-worker in many fields. He attended the Annual Meeting of our Association last year, and greeted us with all his old cheery manner and lively genuine interest in every good

cause.

The peace movement was especially dear to him, and he was a most valuable member of the Inter

national Arbitration League for many years. To that, as well as to other societies, he was able to render great service through his admirable knowledge of many languages. Our English tongue and our English life he understood as well as if he had been born among us; and this, no doubt, contributed to his great efficiency as a teacher of the French language at St. Paul's School.

Among the numerous societies to which he gave his heart and his spare time, were those especially which had for their object the social and political welfare of women. For many years he was an active member of the Women's Trade Union League and of the Women Bookbinders' Society. His gay wisdom was ever welcome at their meetings, and he did not confine himself to giving advice. From his slender purse he was always ready to contribute his half-crown or five shillings -his was a truly generous and sympathetic spirit.

We are glad to be able to say that his services to his own country in former days of stress and trial were not forgotten by the King of Italy, who conferred upon him, in recent years, a well-merited order of distinction.

Good-bye, old friend! We could ill spare you.