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powder about the house in order to make the servants careful with the matches. He did not believe that these extravagant armaments contributed to the maintenance of European peace, and when we were threatened with an extension of this military system to the Far East it was time for the statesmen to consider whether some understanding or agreement could not be arrived at between European States to put some check upon that scandalous rivalry. If it was not possible to obtain any sort of European agreement, we should strengthen our commercial and other interests with the Colonies, in order that we might give grenter solidarity to the Empire against the time of danger.”
MR. FREDERIC HARRISON'S NEW
PEACE SUNDAY. THE Sunday before Christmas was again very largely observed as Peace Sunday. We have much pleasure in reproducing the following extracts from a sermon preached at St. Paul's, Forest Hill, by the Rev. W. Klein, Vicar :
“We feel instinctively that this world will not be the world God intended it to be until the same rule which applies to private feuds shall by some means be made applicable to the quarrels of nations.... That which the prophet of the eighth century B.C. saw in vision is going on under our very eyes. They shall beat their swords into ploughshares and their spears into pruning-hooks. It is the transition from the domination of the military spirit to that of the industrial spirit, from the methods of war to the methods of peace. The implements of the warrior and destroyer are being replaced by the implements of the producer and bread-winner. The business of war happily is becoming obsolete amongst us, and the business of peace bids fair to be, before long, if io is not already, the supremely important interest, and the all-engrossing occupation of Englishmen. . . . The industrial spirit and knowledge by which I mean every kind of true cultureare deadly foes of the military spirit. It and they cannot long exist side by side. Industry produces ; war destroys. Industry and knowledge minister to life and health, to progress and prosperity; the military spirit, for all its fine display, conduces, in the long run, to stagnation, to degradation and impoyerish. ment; and finds its inevitable goal in carnage and misery and death. ..Religion, knowledge, industry-- these three, as they take more and more complete possession of man's heart, must necessarily put an end to war, as the enemy of them all. The time must come when the enlightened, because Christianized, common-sense of nations will realize that in the present state of the world war is fast becoming a folly as well as a crime-an outrage upon the best instincts of the human heart as well as an affront to the God of love."
We have very much pleasure in quoting the following extracts from an address delivered to the Positivist Society on New Year's Day by Mr. Frederic Harrison :
"If they looked at Europe as a whole they would find that the most definite desire had been to find some relief from the ever-growing burden which militarism imposed upon them. . . . The real cause of national feuds lay outside Europe. If the European Powers were content to be European Powers only they would be almost a happy family. But international competition was transferred to Africa. Let them consider the long series of imbroglios which that continent had supplied to Europe-Egypt, the Suez Capal, Tunis, Morocco, the wretched Guinea Coast, the Niger, the Congo, the Orange River, Mada. gascar (which, he trusted, might not be the cause of a European war), Zanzibar, the Zambesi l'ganda, and Abyssinia. There were eight European States striving to divide Africa amongst them, although only one-fortieth part of it could ever become a permanent residence for the white races. Even now the European population of Africa was only about one. tenth of that of London, and was likely to diminish or be absorbed by the native races. The rest of the continent was closed to the white races. Yet it was about a country like this that all this fierce struggle has been incurred, and it was about the interest of a handful of Europeans that nations had been brought to the verge of war. . . . From the point of view of tha higher civilisation it would be better if they kept out of Africa altogether, for they only went to exploit the natives and to annex vast territories which they could not civilise. No European nation could gain wealth, nor power, nor reputation in Africa, and that European nation which first recognised this would gain the respect of the civilised world... During the second half of the nineteenth century the British Empire has added to its dominions an area which is three or four times as large as the United Kingdom. Yet he was prepared to maintain that the influence of England in the councils of Europe was greater fifty years ago than now. At the close of the nineteenth century the voice of the Empress Victoria is of less account than was the voice of Queen Victoria in the first half of her reign. The existence of an English empire in Africa has been bought at the expense of the credit of England. In his young days they were stirred by the struggles of Spain for liberty, in the struggle for a United Italy, in the struggle in France against Imperialism. He could detect a certain loss of vigour and fibre in the attitude of England towards European politics, as compared with her attitude in the days of Kossutb, Deak, Cavour, Garibaldi, Hugo, and Gambetta, and he was certain that the moral support given to European freedom was worth more to the nation than triumphs on the Irrawaddy, the Nile, or in Matabeleland.”
GREAT BRITAIN AND VENEZUELA. The following correspondence has recently passed between the International Arbitration and Peace Association and the Foreign Office on this subject :"International Arbitration and Peace Association,
“19th December, 1894. “MY LORD,—Your lordship has probably observed the reference made by President Cleveland, in his recent message to the Congress of the United States, to the long-standing dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela, in which he states that he will renew the efforts heretofore made to bring about the restoration of diplomatic relations between the disputants, and to induce a reference to arbitration.'
“2. Though the President was alluding to the sub. ject as one that, from his point of view, primarily concerns the cause of peace and good order on the American Continent, we are desired-in accordance with our Committee's minute as subjoined-to remind Her Majesty's Government that the controversy as to the boundary between British Guiana and Venezuela, as also other disputes that have inevitably followed thereon, place this country in a position of serious responsibility. Our Committee is well aware that Her Majesty's Foreign Office justifies its prolonged attitude of passive resistance to the offer of submission to arbitration on the part of Venezuela on the ground that some of the claims of the Republic are unsuited for reference to arbitration.
"3. Here we may venture to recall attention to our letter of 6th February last, in paragraph 2 of which our
EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE MEETINGS.
Committee asked to be informed of what nature and extent are the claims said to be insisted upon by Venezuela which Her Majesty's Government consider to be so unfounded in fact, and so unfair to the colony of British Guiana, as not to be a proper subject for arbitration. This reasonable request was repeated in our letter of 22nd June last, and we venture once more to urge it on your lordship's serious consideration. So far as we can gather, the Venezuelan Government would be quite willing to enter on preliminary explanations which might lead to the modification of claims' which Her Majesty's Government at present regard as inadmissible. The subject matter of the whole controversy must be within the cognisance of the United States Committee of Foreign Affairs ; and we submit that President Cleveland must have been duly advised when deliberately suggesting that the subject as a whole could be fairly comprised within the terms of an amicably settled basis for arbitration.
"4. The first step at the present juncture, as it seems to us, would be, as suggested by the President of the United States, that of some definite effort towards the renewal of diplomatic relations between the two countries ; and we venture to think that some conciliatory step in this direction would be in first accord with the masterful position of Great Britain, which cannot desire anything that either Venezuela or the outside world would regard as unfairly pressing on a country which is, so to speak, at the mercy of its powerful former ally.
65. In former correspondence on this unduly prolonged difficulty our Committee, from December, 1892, to our latest communication in June last, have placed before Her Majesty's Foreign Office every salient aspect of this unhappy controversy that is before the public. As that correspondence must be on record in the office, we venture to crave for its renewed and favourable consideration at your lordship's hands. Trusting that our Committee, and through it the public, may shortly obtain such full and specific information as may serve to place the issues at stake in their true light, and that some friendly advances may be made towards the Venezuelan Republic, “We have the honour to be, &c., (Signed) “WM. MARTIN Wood,
« Vice-Chairman, "J. FREDK, GREEN,
« Secretary. “To the Right Hon. the Earl of
Kimberley, K.G., &c., &c.”
W. MARTIN Wood.
TINCT 1 T. HOLMES, F.R.C.S.
• Secretary J. FREDK, GREEN. [The Executive Committee invite criticisms and suggestions
from Members on the subjects of the resolutions passed
at their meetings.] 1894. December 11.GREAT BRITAIN AND VENEZUELA.
Read extract from President Cleveland's message to Congress on this subject
Resolved: “That as it would appear that nothing has yet been done towards restoring friendly relations between this country and the Republic of Venezuela, and in view of the pointed reference made to this subject of international interest by the President of the United States in his recent message to Congress, it is desirable to again ask the attention of Her Majesty's Government to this long-standing cause of alienation between the two countries, and to press on our Foreign Office the urgent necessity of the proposals long since made by Venezuela to submit the dispute to arbitration being
fairly met and definitively dealt with." -ADDRESS TO M. LE BARON DE COURCEL.
Read draft Address prepared by the Chair. man of the Committee.
Resolved : “ That the Address be approved, and that the Baron de Courcel be
asked to receive a deputation to present the 1895
same." January 1.--CONFERENCE OF THE HOMANITARIAN
LEAGUE.- Read letter from the Secretary of the League asking if the Committee would appoint delegates to attend a Conference to be held on February 28th and March lst.
Resolved : “That this Committee do appoint delegates to the Conference." -SÈVE's ESSAY AND THE LONDON SCHOOL BOARD.-Resolved : “That it is desirable to bring this essay and the subject generally before the London School Board, and that endeavors be made to arrange for a deputation to the Board."
“ 31st December, 1894. “ GENTLEMEN,—I am directed by the Earl of Kimberley to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 19th instant, enclosing a resolution passed by your Committee on the subject of the relations between Great Britain and Venezuela.
“I am, Gentlemen,
“FRANCIS BERTIE. “The Vice-Chairman and Secretary, “The International Arbitration and Peace Association,
“ 40 and 41, Outer Temple, Strand, W.C."
NOTE.-The list of Subscriptions and Donations is held over till next month owing to want of space.
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MR SAMUEL JAMES CAPPER, a member of the Execu. tive Committee of our Association, has recently addressed about twenty meetings in the west of Scotland, which bave been very successful. He will shortly address a series of meetings in Durham and Northumberland. At one of these the Bishop of Durham has consented to preside, and at another the newly appointed Dean of Durham (Dr. Kitchin).
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be publicly stated, and that, therefore, it is iinVain Protests against Naval Budgets
possible to refuse the insurance money demanded
for our national independence. Silas Mainville Burroughs... Our Foreign Correspondence
“Where is all this to stop ?." say the electors; Correspondence........
“ are we for ever to pursue this ruinous rivalry in . Trarieux Bill to Promote Peace among Nations by International Arb
expenditure, under threats of annihilation by some! tration
foreign Power ?” It seems to us that this constant The Hostilities in Waziristan..........
repetition of indignant protest by the friends of Peace Meetings in London The Italian Invasion of the Soudan
peace, followed always by conceding the demand, Humanitarian Conference..
is futile indeed. Why cannot the friends of peace Exeentive Committee Meetings Subscriptions and Donations
look facts in the face? They are not under the
obligation that rests upon Ministers, of being THE Executive Committee of the Association
silent as to the causes of the alleged insecurity.
Ever since the foundation of our Association we does not hold itself responsible for the opinions
have steadily declared that it is useless to deal of the writers of articles and letters in this with symptoms, and that, if we are to remove the
evil against which we strive, we must go to its JOURNAL. When they deal with controversial
root. The Peace Societies, as a rule, shrink from questions they should bear some signature, the duty of showing where and what are the personal or impersonal.
dangers upon which the demand for expenditure is based. They content themselves with denying
the existence of the danger. They say that all VAIN PROTESTS AGAINST NAVAL these fears are groundless panics; that i no nation BUDGETS.
has a grudge against us, or is inclined to make unfair demands upon us. All thesel navies and
armies, they declare, exist only to give employment ONCE more the British people will be asked to to a set of idle aristocrats who want “stars and make fresh sacrifices for an efficient navy. And garters," gained in murderous expeditions and the Spectator has even suggested that we should
adventures. " borrow some £26,000,000 on terminable annuities, All that seems to the present writer to be absoand spend it during the course of the next five or lute nonsense, and unworthy of serious politicians. ; six years in placing our naval supremacy beyond No one can have watched the Continental press, or all possibility of dispute."
read the debates in Continental parliaments, without Whether that or some other demand be made, it being aware that Great Britain is regarded with is quite clear that a fresh addition to naval expen serious hostility in many quarters. It seems to us, diture will take place, and in spite of the fact that moreover, perfectly natural that it should be so. only last year we increased the Naval Estimates by
The British people have seized on all the spare three millions and a quarter. See how the “in
territory they could find in the world, they have surance for national safety” rises ! Thirteen been beforehand with other nations, and have years ago these Estimates amounted to £10,492,935, obtained markets for their manufactures and settlewhile last year they were £18,371,713. Yet that ments for their superabundant population; so that enormous amount, at this time of decreasing pros- there is hardly room for any other people to found a perity, is declared insufficient; and it is clear, from trade or colony, now that the latter have begun to Lord Spencer's speeches, that the Government will look for those things. Moreover, these successes ask for a still larger outlay. The friends of peace have filled us with arrogance and the assumption and economy will grumble, but the money will be of superiority, even of a right to be supreme. In granted. Her Majesty's advisers will declare that addition, Britishers pretend to be more honest, our country is not secure from attack, or from more Christian, and more capable than all others, injury to our commerce, unless she maintains her and do not hesitate to boast of these virtues wherenaval supremacy. The majority of the electors ever they go. Is it likely, then, that they should and their representatives will say, as usual, that have no enemies? They certainly have them, and Ministers must know many facts that cannot | it could not be otherwise.
The lesson which we would insist on is that there lies before the peacemakers the choice of a false policy or of a true one-a policy which is futile and one which is practical. So long as the former is pursued there will be no cessation in this rivalry of Budgets, and the increasing danger of financial ruin and discredit. The true policy of every Peace Society is to put the finger on international sores, to show where every probability of international quarrel exists, and to declare what is the just mode of dealing with it. When all recognise that principle, and act upon it, there will be some security against war, and Governments will no longer imperil the national prosperity by ruinous demands.
· ENGLAND, FRANCE, AND EGYPT.
In the preceding article we have said that it is useless to hope for a diminution of naval and military expenditure in the face of dangerous animosities between nations, and that it is therefore our first duty to remove the causes of those animosities. Yet the Peace Societies, as a rule, make no effort towards that end. For instance, they do not attempt to discover and indicate the true solution of such a dangerous and pressing question as that of Egypt. The irritation which this unsettled problem has excited in France towards England is one of those international disagreements, and, therefore, a cause of insecurity, which lead to the maintenance and increase of armaments. This particular question not only affects Anglo-French relations : many other States are interested in its settlement, and especially in the maintenance of an uninterrupted highway through the Suez Canal.
The readers of this journal know well that our Association has, for several years, urged that a European conference should be held to consider how the future administration of Egypt and the safety of the Canal should be provided for. Years, however, pass away, and the peril arising from leaving such a question to "the chapter of accidents” remains as great as ever. It is very fitting, then, that at the commencement of a new Session of Parliament public attention should once more be called to the danger of neglecting to settle this long-standing difficulty.
Nearly two years ago our friend, M. Frederic Passy, wrote to us, saying, “The persistency with which England maintains her domination in Egypt very injuriously affects our international relations." It would be difficult to find more reliable testimony than this. The veteran leader of the Peace move. ment in France is a true friend of our country, and has a clear perception that the interests of both nations are bound up with their hearty accord.
There can be no doubt that the bitter feeling manifested by the French press towards England is mainly due to our continued occupation of Egypt. That animosity shows itself in an increasing degree both in the press and in the Chamber of Deputies. Moreover, in every part of the globe where the interests of the two nations are supposed to clash, this disagreement makes an understanding more
difficult. So long as it exists, our Government will continue to declare that fresh additions must be made to the navy; and the demands will continue to be granted by Parliament, notwithstanding a few protests,
If it could be shown that Great Britain were in this matter performing a solemn duty to the world, and to Egypt, or were securing her own independence and safety, we should say that the displeasure of France, however regrettable, must be faced. This, however, is not true. On the contrary, it is a grave breach of duty to remain in Egypt unless we can show that the pretext for our occupation is sound. What are the facts ? Perfect order has long since been secured ; and there is no proof that Egypt is incompetent to maintain a fair administration of her internal affairs. Even if it could be shown that the necessity of providing for order in the Delta still existed, why should Great Britain undertake the sole and very heavy responsibilityunless, indeed, she does so under the mandate of the Powers? The theory is that we are there by the wish of Europe ; but it is high time that some proof of this were given. Many proofs might indeed be adduced to show that not only in France, but in other countries, our occupation is regarded with hostility. We would refer, for instance, to the discussions which took place on the part of the representatives of the Powers at the Commission of 1885, on the neutralisation of the Suez Canal.
It is essential to the honour, safety, and good faith of England that she should call a conference in order that the Powers may declare whether they desired that England should continue to control the Government of the Khedive. The danger and discredit of our continued assumption of authority over a foreign country is enhanced by the fact that, for some years past, and on several occasions, British Ministers have publicly declared that the occupation would soon cease. Thus, so long ago as 1887, Lord Salisbury declared that our troops would leave Cairo in three years from that time i.e., in 1890.
If ever we are to redeem our promise, it is now -at a time of perfect tranquillity in Egypt and of peace in Europe when we can act deliberately, in co-operation with all the Powers, so as to secure the welfare, independence, and neutrality of the Delta. Let us not defer this until some time of confusion when we shall, perhaps, refuse to do what we know to be right because of foreign dictation. Our present course is one of " drifting”one which is based on no avowed policy; a course which exposes us to the reproaches of every State in Europe. To protest against expenditure for defence, instead of protesting against proceedings which make the defence necessary, is unwisdom, indeed! We trust that those Members of the House of Commons who desire to secure peace in Europe will take care that, alike in Egypt and elsewhere, England shall make justice the sole basis of all her actions.
SILAS MAINVILLE BURROUGHS.
We have to announce, with sincere regret, the recent death, at Monte Carlo, of Mr. S. M. Burroughs, head of the well-known firm of Burroughs, Wellcome & Co., of Holborn Viaduct. Mr. Burroughs, who was in the prime of life, was by birth an American citizen, but after living for some years in this country became a naturalised British subject. He was well known as a model employer of labour, and as a most generous supporter of the many progressive causes in which he was interested, not the least of these, in his estimation, being the movement in favour of International Arbitration and Peace. He was a member of the Council of our Association, a liberal contributor to its funds, and on two or three occasions acted as one of our delegates at Peace Congresses. We offer our deepest sympathy to the widow and family of Mr. Burroughs, and mourn with them the premature loss of a warm-hearted friend and upright citizen.
OUR FOREIGN CORRESPONDENCE.
justice, still sincerely think that men may be disposed of like cattle, and a province acquired like a pair of shoes or a country-house. There is no prescription against the rights of nations, and it matters little that Alsace-Lorraine should have been in the hands of Germany for twenty-five years ; the annexation of this province in spite of the wish of the inhabitants is no more justified, time has nothing to do with the matter. Alsace-Lorraine has not to become French again, it has never ceased to be French, because it never wished and never consented to become German. We cannot believe that all the demands for the liberty of Alsace are the work of a few Jews who have property both in Alsace and in France. Only a man who has never lived in France, even for a week, could believe and put forward in writing such extraordinary ideas, which could only be excused in the heat of after-dinner conversation. The truth is that the question of AlsaceLorraine has not advanced a step for twenty-five years. The most moderate, the most reasonable of our compatriots oppose to all our efforts on behalf of a policy of peace, justice, and arbitration this one argument And Alsace ? This question of Alsace is an insuperable obstacle thrown across the road of peaceful progress, an obstacle which will block it for many long years. We make unceasing efforts to wrest from the minds of children the feeling of hatred for Germany, to take away the taste for the blood-stained glory of arms, to persuade them to abandon the cruel and narrow idea of revenge, to hope only for the reparation of that immanent justice which has its hour in the course of time; but those on the other side of the Rhine, who claim to collaborate with our work for peace and justice, must not render our efforts barren and vain by saying that the act of injustice which was perpetrated in 1871 is eternal, and that Germany will never consent to give back to those who were annexed by force the right to freely decide their own fate. It is not for France that we claim the conquered provinces ; we only vindicate the rights of Alsace-Lorraine, rights which have been violated, ignored, and trampled under foot. The Alsatians and Lorrainers do not wish to become French, you say. How do you know? Have they ever been asked to pronounce on their own destiny ? Nobody in France would wish them to become French against their will. If you are so convinced that they wish to be German, why don't you ask them to decide, Aye or No? The truth is that you are afraid of the result of a vote, a vote freely given, not under the menace of the bayonet and the eye of the police. What we ask is that Alsace-Lorraine should be left to themselves with the right to freely decide to whom they shall belong, the right even of only belonging to themselves. My own preferences I have explained before the frontier of the Vosges restored to France and Alsace neutralised. But it is neither for France nor Germany, nor a European Congress to decide the question ; it is for the inhabitants of Alsace-Lorraine, and for them alone.
L. MARILLIER. Paris, February, 1895.
FRANCE. On reading Count Bothmer's letter in the last number of CONCORD, I was carried back in thought to an address delivered by our colleague M. Eschenauer a fortnight ago at the Mairie of the Sixth arrondissement. His subject was “The Principle of Nationality," and he came to the conclusion that what constitutes a nation is neither dwelling in the same country, nor common race, language, religion, usages, social customs, or historical traditions, but the desire of citizens to live united in one community under the reign of the same law. It is the free accord of the wills of the inhabitants of the same country, and their common desire not to be separated from one another, rather than being united in the same State with the inhabitants of neighbouring countries, which makes a country, which makes of men living side by side with one another on the same soil, under the same government, something different from an agglomeration of isolated individuals, passively resigned to a destiny which they have not chosen ; I would say a true nation having one soul, one city in which all the citizens feel that they are kinsmen and brothers, and who have as their common object in view, her greatness and her glory. If one day humanity should become one great nation, the country of which all men will feel themselves to be children ; if the nations instead of fighting and hating each other, should unite in one great federation of friendship and justice, it will be by the free consent of all, small and great, from their common desire to live more closely bound together, to make of themselves a unique and majestic whole, from which unity will spring. The force of arms, the tyranny of the mighty would be powerless to establish it. Everything which has sprung from violence, everything which has no other support than force is doomed to perish some day or other by force and violence. These are at the same time principles of justice so certain, facts so well-known, and social laws supported by such strong evidence, that one is almost ashamed of being obliged to restate them. It would seem that they were common-places, and that it would be useless to repeat them, as useless as repeating to honest folk that it is wrong to rob one's neighbour and vile to lie ; but it appears that these common places still have for some people the appearance of paradoxes, and that certain friends of peace, certain apostles of international
GERMANY. A MEMBER of the Wiesbadener Gesellschaft der Friedens freünde, Herr Wilhelm F. Brand, who lives in London, and who is correspondent to several leading German newspapers, has written a very good letter to the Wiesbadener Tagblatt on the peace movement. Herr Brand is a valuable acquisition to the ranks of the peace army, and will, I am sure, continue to do good work for us, for is not "the pen mightier than the sword"? The German Empire has a deficit of 31,000,000 for the past year. German Consols paying 4 per cent. are to be reduced to 3} or even 3 per cent., a separate income tax for invested money will be raised, and the Reichstag is trying to pass a Bill which would rob us of freedom of speech and thought if it became law. When it is