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Peace Association.

OFFICES: 40 & 41, OUTER TEMPLE, STRAND, LONDON, W.o. "A vast International Association ought to be formed having for its sole object to make the system of

International Arbitration to prevail,”-LAVELEYE. GOLD MEDAL awarded by the Section of Social Economy, Universal Exhibition, Paris, 1889.

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New Year's Address to Our Members ............
The Cyclone from the West .............
The Monroe Doctrine ...........
Great Britain and Venezuela
Our Foreign Correspondence ............
Items ....
Association for the Reform and Codification of the

Women and the Peace Movement ..........
The Women's International Peace Union ........
The French “ Peace Almanack” for 1896 ...
A Festival Day of the English-speaking World
*War among the Different Races of Man".
A Patriot's Prayer ........
Professor Flint on War ......
Executive Committee Meetings
Sabscriptions and Donations

THE Executive Committee of the Association does not hold itself responsible for the opinions of the writers of articles and letters in this JOURNAL When they deal with controversial questions they should bear some signature, personal or impersonal.


MEMBERS. FRIENDS,—The need of our efforts and of yours has seldom been more manifest than at this moment. The sacred anniversary of Christmas -the festival of peace and good will offered to mankind-has been saddened by cries of anger and apprehension. The two great branches of the English-speaking race, proud of their Christian faith and advanced civilisation, are looking at each other across the Atlantic as possible foes instead of permanent friends! This, indeed, is an event full of humiliation and sorrow, not only for the two nations immediately concerned; but also for the disciples of the doctrine of human brotherhood throughout the world. This unexpected and lamentable event, however, is not a reason for despair as to the ultimate triumph of righteousness among mankind: it is. rather a reason for greater and more practical fidelity to eternal principles, for more determined efforts to drive the spirit of Cain out of the world. This recent outburst of anger and hatred binds us more solemnly than ever-us, the friends of Peace in both hemispheres—to labour for its ultimate triumph. Indeed, nothing could have happened which more clearly shows the urgent and constant need for that labour. If two nations inheriting such traditions as they have received from the same

great teachers of justice, charity, and righteousness in the past can barbour thoughts of hostility and conflict, then indeed is there un immense work to be done.

With regard to the question which has arisen between the Governments of Great Britain and the United States, we would utter no.word which may embitter the controversy. It is, however, our duty to speak plainly of all that is done in America or in Europe which makes for war. In this particular case, as in every other, there is ground for blame on both sides; and our Association has earned a right to express an opinion, founded on its recognised character for impartiality. In this present case we have, for more than five years, collected information respecting the facts, and have made them the basis of repeated representations to the British Government in favour of arbitration, as alike feasible and necessary. No one can therefore accuse us of national bias when we express regret that the President of the United States should have used words implying a resort to force in the event of the British Government refusing assent to his suggestion that they should accept arbitration. And we doubt not that our esteemed fellow-workers across the Atlantic entirely coincide with us in this expression of regret.

Nor are we less ready to blame the spirit of territorial greed and aggrandisement for which England has won an evil reputation throughout the world, and has thus brought upon herself anger, jealousy, and suspicion from all quarters, including the nations of America. Wrong ever breeds wrong, and British disregard for the rights of weaker races and peoples calls forth a passion of rivalry, competition, and jealousy on the part of other great nations.

Are we not right, then, in saying that such Societies as ours are as necessary as Churches to educate men in the love of justice and righteousness, in self-control, and in abstinence from plunder and massacre ? Yes, the peacemakers have a great mission before them in this respect, for even the most civilised nations are not free from the danger of wars-which, as time goes on, will become more and more appalling in their destructiveness.

In another respect this Venezuela quarrel shows how great is the need of such associations as ours. Governments cannot be left uncontrolled in foreign

Couran I

affairs, any more than in home affairs, or the worst First, is the grim vision of what would be meant results may follow. In this particular case. a | by war between the two halves of the British race. dispute has lasted for fifty years which ought to | Though only a corner of the curtain was uplifted, have been settled long ago by arbitration, as the enough was shown to indicate the ghastly and Venezuelans desired. Not only has this neglect | destructive possibilities which such conflict would led them to break off, some years since, all com involve. What a catalogue of confusion, destruction, mercial relations with England, to the loss of trade and misery would the briefest enumeration disclose. on both sides, but has now brought upon us Canada invaded from the south, and New England peremptory demands and threats from a sister from the north, with brothers' hands imbrued in each nation. If, everywhere, Societies like ours watched other's blood; the Atlantic cities shelled, and their such cases and then brought popular pressure to public buildings left as smoking ruins ; in return, bear upon the several Governments, these disasters | Britain's mercantile marine chased or captured on and these dangers would be avoided.

every sea, with one or more of our colonies made to On the other hand, if there had been a strong feel the price they would have to pay for dependence feeling in the United States in favour of the on an Imperial centre when they can secure no conArbitration Treaty with Great Britain, which was trol in its policy; the shaking to its very foundations unanimously approved by the House of Commons of that vast system of commercial interdependence in 1893, Congress would ere this have adopted and financial credit which, apart from the ties of some final step for the accomplishment of this kindred, unite the great Republic of the West with great measure of security and peace. This neg. this great Empire, its mighty progenitor ; and the lect only shows that in the Western hemisphere unspeakable misery that would fall on the toiling also there remains much to be done for the educa millions, compared with which the nobly borne tion of the people on behalf of international privations during the cotton famine, the destitution unity.

and demoralisation attendant on the great war As to the tangible results of these unrestrained with France, would be the merest trifles. Though passions of international jealousy, we teachers this horrid, hateful nightmare has fled as flies bave an object-lesson, indeed, in the panic of the a dream at opening day, it does not suffice to money market, felt even so far away from the assert one's moral conviction that such catastrophes centre of disturbance as Vienna If even the are impossible, for the possibilities were demonmere cloud on the horizon, no bigger than a man's strated; and while the conditions remain it rests on hand, could cause the loss of millions of money in every man and every class in both nations to strive, a few hours, what would not be the result of the in season and out of season, and rest not until these storm itself !

conditions, fraught with such awful possibilities Alike, then, for the material and moral interests to the human race, shall be removed, and replaced of Europe and America, there is need of a strong by more rational and stable principles and systems and universal organisation on behalf of “ Arbitra of international relations. Somehow, for the sake tion and Peace." This is a missionary and propa of humanity and civilisation, this must be done ; gandist work which everyone having any love for

we need not stay here to say how this can God and man is bound to help forward. It is be accomplished. The peacemakers of our day treason towards both to be careless and apathetic may be a feeble folk in the estimation of politicians in this cause.

and journalists who are bound in fetters of conTo save mankind from the dangers of war and ventionalism and tradition; but those who are ruin and barbarism demands great and wide determined to make war against the cursed folly of spread efforts. It is cruel and unworthy to with war are rapidly increasing, and it is now high time hold aid, encouragement, and co-operation from for every man aspiring to the rank of statesman to those who, in their several leagues and associations,

set himself to join in that struggle, or to stand are rendering this service to the world. Let us, discredited and condemned by the world. then, be up and doing, all of us, in our several The conception of international arbitration has spheres of influence and action. We could been exposed to a severe test. On one side the allundertake no nobler or more useful task! H. P. powerful British Government has lowered its dignity

and self-respect by blankly refusing to submit to that

rational and judicial course, in a case in which, as THE CYCLONE FROM THE WEST: demonstrated in these columns, it is the only honourFLOTSAM AND JETSAM.

able and reasonable method. On the other hand, the

big, young Republic has vainly insisted on the THE rumblings of the recent portentous cyclone paradoxical attempt to dictate that pacific plan from the West are now happily dying away. Whilst by threats of force. But, in face of all the wild a few distant and intermittent murmurs of the dis- | words and obstinate defiance on both sides, no turbance in the moral atmosphere yet linger in the one dare say that the principle has been disair, let us take note of such lessons and re credited. Nay, rather, the value of the principle minders as may be traceable amidst the war of of reference to impartial and disinterested men of words and gusts of passion which during December juridical quality and experience has been thrust on darkened counsel between the foremost brother the attention of many who had not hitherto nations of the modern world. These notes must bestowed a second thought on the subject. In be brief, for months must pass ere the full sig these columns it has often been admitted that nificance can be gleaned of the warnings and there may be certain classes of international conadmonitions with which this diplomatic episode tentions or claims which are unsuited for arbitrais replete.

tion. It was at once seen that the Monroe


Doctrine, more especially under its strained attempts made from the American side to prejudice interpretation by President Cleveland's Foreign the principle by exasperation and discredit it by Secretary, was a claim of that intangible and one misapplication, and the equally injurious effect of siued kind. But, by contrast, it was the more the obstinate refusal of our Foreign Office to clearly seen that the dispute between our Foreign submit to arbitration in a typically suitable inOffice and Venezuela was, in its geographical and stance, the advocates of this pacificatory and conhistorical aspect, essentially one of those cases serving agency of the future must realise for that invite conciliatory treatment by disinterested themselves what strenuous efforts are yet required referees. It is not the less such merely because before politicians and statesmen can be compelled the Marquis of Salisbury, beguiled by the one to accept the new method of settling international sided version furnished him by the permanent disputes, and cease from their constant threats officials, claimed that England should be judge of rushing into the irrational and destructive of its own exaggerated demand, while contemp device of war. Men of that class, on both sides tuously offering to submit to arbitration further of the Atlantic, have had impressive warning ; but claims about which no serious contention is it is for those who are determined to “make possible. This ambiguous attitude pervades | war against war" to see to it that those to whom many portions of the despatches—such as this : fate, or some party chance, has committed the life Her Majesty's Government “have repeatedly ex and fortunes of nations shall never again be perpressed their readiness to submit to arbitration the mitted to drift so near the edge of the precipice. conflicting claims of Great Britain and Venezuela to large tracts of territory which, from their auriferous nature, are known to be of almost untold THE "MONROE DOCTRINE": value." In passiog, we may remark this is an

ITS HISTORY AND PURPOSE, AS DESCRIBED unlucky admission of recently developed colonial

BY AN ENGLISH AND BY AN AMERICAN gold-hunger. Besides that, we have only the

JURIST. vaguest indication of what these “large tracts” are; and those who have followed the controversy

We are glad to lay before our readers a clear statement long before his lordship too tardily, but hastily,

on this subject, made by two jurists well known and plunged into it can estimate how very little these esteemed in their respective countrieg. We take the taunting offers of partial arbitration were worth. following from the second edition (1885) of “ Essays Those of our readers who have followed the results on Some Disputed Questions in Modern International of the Chairman's and Committee's investigation

Law," by T. J. Lawrence, formerly Deputy Professor of these respective claims-more especially in our

of International Law at Cambridge, and an author of November and December numbers-will be able to

repute on such questions :

* President Monroe laid down a wise and statesmanjudge how seriously the Foreign Office statement of

like doctrine when he declared, in 1823, that while the the case perverts the real and essential points at

United States would not interfere in purely European issue. As to the outside public, they have been disputes, her people would consider any attempt by the enabled to judge how superficial and captious were Powers of Europe to extend their system to any portion these so-called offers of arbitration by the perusal

of the American continent as dangerous to her peace of the dispassionate narration of the Venezuela case

and safety. . . . All it does is to declare that the sent on by the Times correspondent from Caracas,

complicated state system of the Old World--the system

of the coalitions against Napoleon, the Holy Alliance, the which appeared in its issue of December 21st-a

Balance of Power, the Eastern Question, and the document of at least as much weight as our Foreign

European Concert-shall not be extended to the New Office despatches. Lord Salisbury may, however, World, and that tbe United States, while determined be thanked in that he has incidentally made to prevent such a contingency, will on its part abstain one pertinent contribution towards defining the from interference in disputes which concern the Powers methods and conditions necessary to a successful

of Europe only." ... «The famous message of system of arbitration—that is, where his lordship

President Monroe was in one sense itself an interference points out that“ it is not always easy to find an arbi

in European affairs; for that portion of it we are now

considering was framed after careful negotiations with trator who is competent and wholly free from bias."

Mr, Canning, then Foreign Minister of Great Britain, Granted, it is not easy to lay hands suddenly on

and was directed against the Holy Alliance. It was an such men, or group of men. But that difficulty interference justified by American interests; for the could be remedied by the establishment of a per Alliance was contemplating at the time the re-conqnest manent International Tribunal of Reference, con- i for Spain of its revolted transatlantic colonies ; but stituted on some such deliberate and substantial

nevertheless it was an interference." .."The plan as that already worked out by Sir Edmund

| Monroe Doctrine objected to the trajection of European Hornby and other competent men who have devoted

state systems across the Atlantic, but it did not declare

for the closure of the American hemisphere to European their skill and experience to defining the consti

diplomacy. This is abundantly clear from subsequent tution of a High Court of International Causes

history, as well as from the words of the declaration." which would command the respect and confidence of the civilised world. Thus, whilst in course of We next lay before our readers extracts from “An the recent hurricane certain false or superficial Introduction to the Study of International Law," by Dotions regarding international arbitration have

Theodore D. Woolsey, President of Yale College been jettisoned and disposed of; on the other

(U.S.A.), of which the fourth edition was published

in 1874. He says that the history of this doctrine is hand, the principle itself and sound precepts as to

as follows : "At Verona the subject was agitated of its application have floated securely through the attempting, in conformity with the known wishes of the storm, and are now seen to be more serviceable | Absolutists in Spain, to bring back the Spanish than before. At the same time, amidst the colonies into subjection to the mother country. This fact having been communicated to our Government by that some British members of Parliament; but, Dr. of Great Britain in 1823, and the importance of some Michelena considering he had better see only official public protest on our part being insisted upon, Presi members of the Government, this proposal fell through. dent Monroe in his annual message used the following In November, 1893, the committee again wrote to language ”—[As this has already been quoted twice in the Foreign Office, pointing out the disadvantages of CONCORD, and at full length by Mr. C. Ď. Collet in our the then existing state of affairs, and urged that last number, we need not repeat the words here.) Mr. practical efforts should be made towards a settlement. Woolsey concludes : "The mere declaration of the The Foreign Office replied that some of the claims of President, meeting with the full sympathy of England, the Venezuelan Government were “80 unfounded in put an end to the designs to which the message refers." fact, and so unfair to the colony of British Guiana, as [The italics in the above quotations are ours.]

not to be proper subject for arbitration." Now as to the purport of the celebrated message. In February, 1894, application was made to the Our readers will recollect that in our last number Mr. Foreign Office as to what these “unfounded and Collet draws a distinction between Mr. Monroe's | unfair" claims were. The Foreign Office replied that “ doctrine" and his “message,” designating the former there was nothing to be added to its former reply. as “ fanfaronade." The words of the “doctrine" are In June, 1894, on the occasion of the announcement as follow : “The occasion has been judged proper for of hostile resolutions to be submitted to the Venezuelan asserting as a principle, in which the rights and inter Senate as to trade with England and the suspension of ests of the United States are involved, that the the payment of interest on the English debt, the comAmerican continents, by the free and independent con mittee wrote to the Foreign Office submitting that dition which they have assumed and maintain, are England ought not to be judge in her own cause, and henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future again urging arbitration. colonisation by any European Power."

This was duly acknowledged by the Foreign Office. As to the interpretation to be put on this, our In December, 1894, on the occasion of President American jurist affords most important information. 1 Cleveland's Message to Congress, in which he stated He says:-"Mr. Adame, when President in 1825, thus that he had urged arbitration on Great Britain, the refers to Mr. Monroe's principle while speaking in a committee wrote to the Foreign Office suggesting the special message of a congress at Panama : 'An agree renewal of diplomatic relations as a first step towards ment between all the parties represented at the meeting, an amicable settlement, and asking for full and specific that each will guard by its own means against the estab information. lishment of any future European colony within its This having been acknowledged, the committee, in borders, may be found desirable. This was more than February, 1895, again wrote to the Foreign Office two years since announced by my predecessor to the asking to be favoured with fuller and more definite world, as a principle resulting from the emancipation information ; but this was refused. of both the American continents.' Mr. Adams, when In April, 1895, Mr. W. P. Byles (then member for Secretary of State under Mr. Monroe, originated the the Shipley Division of Yorkshire) put a question in

principle,' and must have known what he meant. the House of Commons, on behalf of the Association;
But the principle, even in this tame form, was repu. but no fresh information was given by Sir E. Grey
diated by the House of Representatives, in a resolution (then Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs) in reply.
declaring that the United States ought not to become Finally, in October last, the committee again drew
parties' with any of the South American republics 'to the attention of the Foreign Office to the importance of
any joint declaration for the purpose of preventing the some amicable settlement of the question being arrived
interference of any of the European Powers with their at ; which letter was duly acknowledged.
independence or form of government; or to any com.
pact for the purpose of preventing colonisation upon the
continent of America.'” In a word, (1) the Monroe
Doctrine was a British doctrine, and (2) it never had The following correspondence has passed with the
the sense now given to it.

H. P. Foreign Office :-

40 & 41, Outer Temple, Strand, W.C., GREAT BRITAIN AND VENEZUELA,

December 24th, 1895.

“MY LORD, I have the honour to forward In addition to the resolution adopted at a special

herewith, for the information of Her Majesty's Foreign meeting of our Association on December 21st, 1895,

Office, a copy of a minute adopted by the Committee which will be found in the usual column, the follow

of this Association on the present position of the ing statement, showing the action taken by the Associa

boundary dispute between Great Britain and Venetion since the beginning of 1892, has been issued. It

zuela. It will be observed that the Association does proves that our Association, at all events, has done its duty in calling the attention of the Government to the

not consider it within its province to discuss

the subject of the Monroe Doctrine,' or President danger involved in not coming to a settlement of the

Cleveland's interpretation thereof, though it has dispute.

regarded with great anxiety the bare possibility of

hostilities between the two great branches of the British In December, 1892, the committee wrote to the race. As in the case of our former communications Foreign Office stating that, from information it had with the Foreign Office, it has been the aim of our received, the new Government in Venezuela, under Committee to treat the dispute with Venezuela on its President Crespo, would probably be favourably in own merits, and our Committee is glad to observe the clined to any proposal likely to bring about a renewal statement in your lordship's recent dispatch 'that Her of good relations between the two Governments, and Majesty's Government have not surrendered the hope that if no agreement could be arrived at recourse that it (the controversy with Venezuela) will be should be had to arbitration. The Foreign Office adjusted by a reasonable arrangement, and at an early replied that the Government of Venezuela was fully date.' aware of the terms on which Her Majesty's Government

“I have, &c., would renew diplomatic relations.

“(Signed) J. FREDK GREEN, Secretary. In the autumn of 1893 the committee endeavoured "To the Most Hon, the Marquis of Salisbury, K.G., to arrange a conference between Dr. Michelena (the Her Majesty's Principal Secretary of State for special envoy from the Venezuelan Government) and Foreign Affairs,"


would be hopeless, and that victory is assured before" December 30th, 1895. hand to the old nations of the West, rejuvenated by a “SIR,- I am directed by the Marquis of Salisbury to new fraternity ? Besides, it is not a question of a war acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 24th inst. with Turkey; such a war would only be the signal for inclosing the copy of a minute adopted by the Com fresh massacres, and the Powers would no sooner have mittee of your Association with regard to the present i declared their warlike intentions than the Turkish position of the question of boundary between British yataghans would resume their horrible business with Guiana and Venezuela.

even more fury than before. But if the Sultan felt "I am, &c.,

that Europe would no longer tolerate these hideous "(Signed) FRANCIS BERTIE. excesses, which make Anatolia resemble the Dahomey “The Secretary of the International Arbitration and of former times, he would use the authority which he Peace Association, 40, Outer Temple."

has from the high religious dignity with which he is invested by his Mussulman subjects to compel

them to stop the crimes by which they are OUR FOREIGN CORRESPONDENCE. staining the East with blood. The reforms which

would prevent the recurrence of similar disorder, FRANCE.

and the application of which might not be unattended It is a very long time since a year closed under a sky by some danger, since they would strike at the excited charged with so many threatening clouds, from which fanaticism of many, would come later at the proper the thunder may burst at any moment. The massacres time. For the moment what is important is that the in the East continue ; and it is, in my opinion, a disgrace killing should cease, and that it should cease because the to civilised Europe that, before this stream of blood Sultan is resolutely determined that it shall. Europe has which has flowed unceasingly for many months, it has the right to see that he is determined, by coming to the not been able to silence the mistrust and hatred which aid of his vacillating will. No spectacle would be more divide the several countries from each other, and instructive to the Commander of the Faithful than the compel it to remain the unworthy and impotent complete, entire, and active union of the Great Powers ; spectator of these hideous hecatombs of women and that would be a lesson that, whether he liked it or not, children. No more eloquent demonstration could be he would understand. But Europe is doing its best given of the imperative necessity of that international | not to give him this lesson. He knows well enough that unity, that greater fatherland, for which Mr. Hodgson | if the Powers are in agreement, it is to do nothing; that Pratt pleads with such untiring and wonderful energy they are too jealous of one another to determine on a in the columns of the Echo. It is this cause, the cause joint intervention, the immediate advantages of which of humanity, the glorious cause of that civilisation, the would be reaped by two or three of them; that all are precious heritage of past ages, the preservation of which watching with quite filial interest the state of health of has devolved upon the great nations of the West. It the “sick man," because they are afraid that in the would seem as though we had returned to the evil event of his death a frightful struggle would break out days of the sixteenth century, and that Turkish barbar amongst them to divide the inheritance. The Press ism could, as before, glut itself with Christian victims, thinks fit to treat'as “ excited philanthropists, impatient powerless from fear under the murderous shadow of bunglers, suspiciously zealous," those who are tired of the Crescent. It may be said that the Turks were this prolonged diplomatic comedy which is being played hardly formidable except to their unarmed subjects, and by Europe to the great delight of the Orientals, who that the armed Slavonic, Germanic, or Latin nations of find inpunity and safety in the unbridled desires and Europe have nothing to fear from these explosions of brutal egoism of the great civilised nations. These Mussulman fanaticism ; the interests which we must gentlemen find 30,000 corpses insufficient to rouse them primarily regard are those of the Western nations, and in earnest. I should like to know what they would do all the Eastern Christians are not worth risking on their if it was their children that the Turkish soldiers behalf a Pomeranian grenadier, a French soldier, or an amused themselves with by tossing them in the air and English sailor. No one, indeed, is more opposed to catching them on the points of their swords, if it war than myself, no one can deplore more than I do was their money that was stolen, their houses burnt, the fact that Europe groans under the yoke of this their wives and daughters violated.. Perhaps, after reign of militarisia which is ruining and depraving her ; all, it would still be inelegant to trouble themselves but since the terrible machine created by these standing about such things, if they were themselves spared, and armies and navies exists, it is well that we should use it only a neighbour was the victim and Armenia is so against those against whom it can alone be properly far away! What wonder that the Sultan, who knows directed, against barbarians. It is a narrow egoism perfectly well that he has only diplomatic thunderbolts which will not lend the powerful protection of civilised to fear, takes his ease! How can one hope that the Europe to those who are being destroyed by the bloody Ambassadors will obtain any serious concessions from and brutal whims of the Mussulmans of Asia. Doubt. him, if his Ministers read the papers? And, as though less the Turkish flag is not about to appear on the this international anarchy a more direct cause than is ramparts of Vienna or Rome, and England can sleep apparent of social anarchy—this absence of a strong and tranquilly behind the insuperable barrier of the ocean. living organisation in our old Europe, were not a But is not the fact that Europe looks on with an in sufficient pledge of security for these Turkish exactions, different-I had almost said complacent-eye a notifica- behold, a conflict has arisen between two great nations tion to the entire Mussulman world that the hour has which possibly more than any others were disposed to struck for undertaking a holy war ; that, enclosed in intervene with advantage, and to exert the necessary its narrow and egoistic self-love, each of the Christian pressure on the Sultan ! God forbid, however, that nations will allow any attack upon its neighbours such a frightful calamity as a war between the United without dreaming of assisting them, and that points of | States and England should burst upon the world! It contact will not be wanting between the Mussulman is cruel to have to say that if England had been world and the nations of the West? Moreover, beyond willing to refer to arbitration this question of the these barbarians, there are yet other barbariang-all rectification of a colonial frontier, no difficulty would the barbarians of the far East, civilised, educated, fur have arisen, and that once again the amour propre of nished with modern arms. Who can think without a the chauvinists and the triflings of diplomats have outshudder of the frightful struggles in which in time to weighed the sacred interests of humanity. Undoubtedly come Europe may have to engage with these swarming in form President Cleveland was wrong; he should not miliions of Asia, if it does not by its unity and energy have addressed an ultimatum of this sort to England. arouse in its adversaries the feeling that any attack But is he not right at bottom ? And is it wise and

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