From The Times, 25 Oct.

utterly wanting. The American people are ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES. so free that they will not be controlled by a Government of their own creating, and, THE English Government is omitting no though laudably eager for the preservation opportunity of reinforcing the West India of their own dignity and the assertion of their squadron, and thus interposing a powerful own rights, cannot bring themselves to tolerfleet between this country and the North ate an Executive sufficiently strong to compel American Continent. This proceeding will, respect for the rights of foreign nations. It we doubt not, call forth from a large portion is because we see no hope of finding in the of the American press that species of mild and United States a Government capable of pretemperate comment in which they delight venting its citizens from waging private war whenever the conduct of England is in ques- on their own account against the best friends tion, and a little political capital is to be and truest allies of the great republic that we manufactured by making her the object of are most unwillingly compelled, even in the invective and depreciation. We shall be told, midst of the great European struggle in which no doubt, of the fiendish hatred of England we are engaged; to assume a defensive attito Republican America, and of the insolent tude, in order to trample out the first sparks menace behind which she veils her insidious of this fire, and prevent a conflagration which, and treacherous designs. Without the slight- if once allowed to spread, may cause incalest wish to reflect in any way on the press culable misery to the human race. It is the which allows itself to be made the vehicle of misfortune of the American Republic that such statements, or upon the constituencies she contains within her borders so many deswhose votes are found to be influenced by perate and lawless men; it is still more her such calumnies, we wish to point out to the misfortune that she does not possess an orgood sense and moderation of the American ganization sufficiently powerful to crush these people the causes which have led us, even in criminal attempts. That which she cannot a time of war, to increase our squadron in do we are compelled, at least so far as the their seas, and may possibly lead us still fur- lawless enterprises directed against ourselves ther in a direction the first step towards go, to do for her. We cannot wait patiently which we are now most unwillingly taking. till these lawless emissaries of insurrection We entreat, then, the American public to and plunder have set their feet within Her believe, notwithstanding the assertions to the Majesty's dominions, and encountered there contrary with which they are so assiduously the resistance which is sure to overwhelm plied, that there is no party or body of men their wild and desperate schemes. We canin this country that regards them with any not wait till we are placed in the terrible diother feeling than that of the utmost good- lemma of either sparing men to whom clemwill, or would wish for them any other fate ency is cruelty to the human race of which than the enjoyment of the utmost public free- they are the enemies, or of inflicting a just dom which is consistent with the utmost pri- punishment, which may be the means of invate liberty and security. We have neither flaming against us the passions of the Amerthe wish nor the right to intrude our opinion ican people and leading to a disastrous and on that form of government which has been fratricidal war. We will, if it be possible, established in the United States; but we have, prevent the crime that otherwise it would be and we claim the right, to take every reason- our duty most severely to punish, and this we able precaution against that spirit of unbri- do in the name and in the hope of peace. dled license which the present Government We cannot believe that those who are now enof the United States seems inclined to toler-gaged in enrolling unhappy men for these ate. At this moment North America is in desperate and criminal enterprises really conprofound peace with the whole world; yet it template the success of a descent upon Ireis not the less true that in her ports are fit- land, for instance, as probable, or even posting out at this moment piratical filibustering sible. All they can liope is that the miserexpeditions, destined to carry war and blood-able fate sure to attend such wretched shed into the dominions of an unoffending adventurers may be the means of inflaming neighbor. These expeditions do not receive the public mind against England, and stirthe sanction of the American Government, are not equipped by its funds, will not be conducted by its officers, but their preparation is nevertheless well known to the President and his Administration, and receives no check from that quarter. This toleration, we are willing to suppose, proceeds from weakness merely, and would be exchanged for vigorous action, only that the power to act is

ring up the passions of the people to a point which might render war inevitable. This consummation it is the duty of the American Government, if it can, to prevent, and, as it cannot, of the Government against which such attempts are aimed by all means to avert. If we can prevent these expeditions from sailing, or intercept them in mid-ocean, we shall have done much towards averting

the danger that must arise should they be carried out to their natural developement. The course of action we have adopted is bold, but for that very reason we believe it to be prudent and safe.

But

could show itself worthy of the great duties to which, when its own principles are settled and its own stability assured, Republican America will probably be called, this is the time. It might be expected—at least by the sanWe are fully aware of the advantage that guine and single-minded persons who take the such a proceeding gives to those ever active men of the States, if a little below their own emissaries of discord, who are incessantly self-valuation, still as the most intellectual, employed in every State of the Union in stir- the most enlightened, the most free, and the ring up the feelings of the populace against most generous beings in the world that at this country. That which is a mere measure a crisis like this, when a people of kindred of self-defence against lawless force they will descent with their own, speaking the same represent as an insult offered to the lawful language and holding the same faith, had Government of the country; they will de- engaged in a terrible conflict with the enemy claim, they will distort, they will exagge- of all freedom and civilization, the Amerirate, but we must not omit to prepare cans would have forgotten trumpery jealousagainst real dangers because our prepara- ies and prejudices, and given us the aid of tions may be honestly misunderstood or de- their sympathy, if not of their arms. signedly misrepresented. England has every no; they are not intellectual and enlightwish and every interest to remain at peace ened, and so forth, to such an extent as this. with America. The immense trade which Whether the Anglo-Saxon character deteriowe carry on with her, the community rates in certain latitudes, or whether the of language and of blood, the absence of conquest of America, by means of the Irish, any ground of dispute or subject of rivalry, who have in great measure subdued the all plead forcibly in the same direction. Yankee race, and are gradually making it How strange that under such circumstances conform to the principles and practices of its we should be driven to arm merely because Celtic masters, is being avenged upon us, it it is the will of a portion of the sovereign is hard to say. But America can see nothpeople to make war upon us, unsupported ing noble and chivalrous- but those are oldand unapproved, but also neither prevented nor arrested, by the Government! We desire above all things a continuance of peace, but if it be the determination of any large portion of the people of the United States to force war upon us, we shall know how to meet it and repel it, without relaxing for an instant our gripe on the throat of the reeling and tottering giant of the north.

But is it for the credit of those free institutions so often vaunted as all that is wise, perfect, and liberal on the face of the earth, that a friendly and kindred nation, ardently desiring peace, should feel itself compelled to stand on the defensive, not because it has any serious dispute with the Government of this free and happy community, but because that Government is unwilling or unable to prevent its citizens from going forth to murder and to plunder in the dominions of an unoffending ally? Are these the garlands with which the tree of freedom ought to be adorned, are these the laurels with which the temples of the goddess should be bound? England has some claim to be called the nursing mother of freedom; and her citizens are free because they know how to obey-how to subordinate their individual wills to that law the supremacy of which constitutes the principal distinction of a civilized community.

From the Illustrated News, 27 Oct.

Ir ever there were a period in the history of a young and powerful nation when it

country ideas -can see nothing grand and enterprising in our championship of Turkey, and our fight for the freedom of the tideless sea. Our successes are scoffed at, our reverses magnified, and a barbarous tyrant is fulsomely flattered by those who claim a patent in free institutions. An American can stand up here and say that he is proud to claim ancestry from the country of Shakspeare, and Milton, and Newton; but at his own board he drinks success to Gortschakoff, and Osten Sacken, and Mouravieff. These Canada rejoicings have already given mighty offence to the Yankees, who find subjects for sarcasm in the filial enthusiasm of an Englishman and of Englishmen's children who, in a distant land, hear that the old flag has again triumphed, and shout at the news.

But we have no right to complain that Irish America is displeased at our victories, and that the eagle of the Union screeches compassionately to its doubled-headed relative, now hit somewhat hard. Indeed, we refuse to believe that a great deal of the proRussianism manifested in the States is not simulated. It will not do for the American to admire anything English; and so, with his usual enterprise, he pushes ahead and affects a creed which he does not really adopt. It is not—it cannot be—that he respects the deceitful semi-savage Russian, or that he approves of institutions based upon an irresponsible despotism. But in his thin-skinned jealousy he cannot bear an addition to

the glory and prosperity of the nation whose | Commander Crofton, are to go to Bermuda. rottenness he has preached until he almost It is rumored that this movement is in conbelieves in it. We will not do him the in- sequence of the American Government having justice he does himself. It is not ignorant replied to some communication made to them folly, but only vanity, that is making him by the British Government on the subject of ridiculous. With so much that he might be Cuba in a tone insulting to this country in justly vain and proud of, it is matter for the highest possible degree. The American regret that he cannot take his legitimate po- Government bids the English Government to sition, and find the world wide enough for beware what they are about; tells them that us all. But that is his affair: we fear that, England has its hands full already; and even to soften and satisfy him, we cannot that, in defiance of England's interference afford to be beaten by Prince Gortschakoff. with them, they will do what they please as to Cuba. The Powerful goes first for Lisbon before steering for Jamaica. The Powerful takes supernumeraries for the Neptune and the St. George, three-deckers, at Lisbon, and also for the squadron on the West India station. These two last-named ships, now that the Neapolitan business is settled, are also expected to go to the North American station, so that a force will be assembled that will be more than sufficient to defend the honor of England and the interests of her colonies."

If the American pleases, however, he must confine himself to legitimate methods of demonstrating his hostility to our cause, and his desire for the success of Russia. Tempting as the opportunity may be, while we are putting out our full force in one direction, for him to seek to embarrass us in another, we must remind him that while the two nations are at peace he must forego that happiness. It is now signified that, whether hired by Russian gold, or only prompted by a general taste for buccaneering, divers "true Americans" are inclined to give us trouble, and that it is necessary, in consequence, to From the Philadelphia Ledger of 12 Nov.- which has a increase our force in the Western Ocean. daily sale of 50,000 copies. This would not be necessary were American ENGLAND AND THE UNITED STATES.- LET institutions strong enough to give the Exec- THEM UNDERSTAND EACH OTHER. - The London utive a proper power of restraint over un-Times and the London Illustrated News, the ruly citizens. But it seems that the Gov- two papers that have the largest daily and ernment of America has not this power; weekly circulation respectively in England, and, feeling this, but wishing to disguise the have lately assumed an attitude towards the fact, and to have some plausible pretext for United States, in which impertinence of refusing to act, it has instructed some of its tone and misrepresentation of facts are comorgans to get up petulant and unfounded bined with sinister skill. complaints against Lord Palmerston and our representatives in the States. All this will most probably end in nothing beyond some voluminous despatches and some irritating newspaper articles, for it is impossible to believe that the leading men in America will pay more than an affected homage to the bad temper of certain of their constituents. But the model institutions do not work so well that we can calculate upon results; and it is desirable that the press of England should make it as clear as possible to the people of America that we quite understand the state of the question, and that we know that the Americans do not sympathize with Russia, but that they have not yet been able to get over their prejudices against us. A nation that vaunts itself as a people of thinkers will surely, under such circumstances, exert common sense enough to preserve its temper.

RUMORED DISAGREEMENT WITH THE UNITED STATES.-The Hants Telegraph says:

"The Powerful, 84, Captain Massey, is ordered to Jamaica; and the Cornwallis, 60, Captain Wellesley; Pembroke, 60, Captain Seymour (screws); and Rosamond, 6, paddle,

This course is deeply to be regretted by all intelligent and patriotic men in either country. For so close is the country and race, language and laws, between Great Britain and America, and so intimate are the commercial relations, that a war between the two nations would not only be fatal to human progress, but eminently injurious to the belligerents themselves. It would be a war, moreover, in which neither side could conquer, but which would end as a drawn battle, with both exhausted. It would be a war at which despotic Europe would openly rejoice, a war which would probably raise the French mercantile marine to that height to which it has long aspired, a war whichto use the words of Robert Hall, in reference to the battle of Waterloo would put back the dial-hand of the world's history for centuries.

It seems but little short of madness, therefore, for influential journals, on either side, to lend their aid in fomenting such a war. Yet it is certain that articles like those we have alluded to cannot but have such a tendency. The fact that they appear simultaneously in the two leading London papers,

and that they are coincident with the des- might be inclined to pass over. Diplomatic patch of a comparatively powerful British relations between the Sardinian and Tuscan leet to the West Indies, favors the notion Governments have been now for some time that there are others, however, besides news- suspended. The cause is of a private nature, paper editors, who are fanning the embers of and may seem to some trivial, but the dispute hostility, and probably for their own personal has already become serious, and may have ends. The character of Lord Palmerston, important results. Italy has been spoken of the English Premier, lends color to the idea by an Austrian statesman as a "geographical that these editorials, as well as the warlike idea," and it is too true that that unhappy demonstration, are parts of a scheme intend- country is divided against. itself, and has its ed to bully this country. It is generally said hopes and fears beyond its own boundaries. that neither he nor Lord Clarendon, the Never was there a more lamentable proof of Foreign Secretary, are particularly favorable this than in the dissensions which the Tuscan to the United States, and it is universally Government, relying on the protection and known that Louis Napoleon, whose tools moved by the instigation of Austria, has just they are to a certain extent, positively hates now wilfully raised. The history of the afAmerica. Under such circumstances, it fair may be told in a few words. A certain may require some forbearance on the part of Count Casati emigrated from Lombardy in the American press to prevent hostile senti- 1848 and became a Sardinian subject. His ment growing up towards England. son entered the diplomatic service, and was for about a year attaché to the Legation at Constantinople. He was thence transferred to Florence, but not before the Marquis Sauli, Sardinian Minister at the Tuscan Court, had announced the intention of his Government to the Grand Duke's Minister for Foreign Affairs. In answer to the inquiries of the Tuscan Cabinet, it was stated that the young Count Casati was a naturalized Sardinian subject, and in 1848 he was only 18 years of age. This was quite satisfactory; the Sardinian Minister announces the appointment officially-M. Baldasseroni, the Tuscan Prime Minister, replies politely. The new attaché leaves cards with M. Baldasseroni and the Austrian Minister at Florence, who leave theirs in return. It is clear that the Tuscan Government has no objection to the appointment.

It is incontestible, we think, that the people of England and America have no desire for such a war. But as we have seen a bloody and protracted struggle break out in the Orient, against the original wishes of the people of Great Britain, we are warned that a war is not impossible anywhere, under the combined influences of a blundering diplomacy, a demagoguical premier, and a slanderous and malignant press. The situation of affairs in Central America is such, moreover, that a false step on either side might exasperate the two nations mutually beyond the probabilities of reconciliation. For if, as has been surmised, the destination of the British West Indian fleet is to seize all the important points on the Nicaragua coast, so as to cut off our road to California, a collision might easily arise between the English and American flags, which could only be wiped out in blood. But we trust that the wisdom of our administration, the conduct of its subordinates, and the impartial attitude of the press, will forbear making such a strife. On the other hand, the good sense of the English people, we hope, will prevent any unjustifiable movement on the part of the British fleet.

Should a war between the two countries, however, ever arise, America will, at least, be able to take care of herself. The Mexican war proved that we can improvise an army whenever we wish. The Eastern war has shown that England cannot. It is not, therefore, from any fear of Great Britain that we recommend forbearance; but because, feeling our own strength, we think it childish to bully or be bullied.

From The Times, 23 Oct.
AUSTRIA AND SARDINIA.
We have to invite the most earnest atten-
tion of our readers to a matter which they

But a sudden change is at hand. In a few days the Tuscan Premier calls on the Marquis Sauli, states that the Grand Duke's Government has been too precipitate in receiving the son of a refugee, and begs that the attaché may be sent away on leave, and then receive another destination. This request is forwarded to Turin, but the haste of M. Baldas

seroni cannot await an answer. He addresses an official note to the Marquis Sauli intimating that Count Casati must at once be sent on leave, and never return, as he would not be received by the Grand Duke. This note was evidently contrary to all diplomatic precedent. The Court of Florence, having once received a member of a Legation, cannot be allowed to order him from the capital without a cause. The communication could not, in the opinion of the Marquis Sauli, be received without compromising the dignity of the Sardinian Government. It was accordingly returned, but the Sardinian Minister used all means to bring the matter to a friendly conclusion. M. Baldasseroni would now hear

nothing, but at once wrote to Turin a demand that the Sardinian Minister himself should be at once recalled. The only course now open to the Court of Turin was, therefore, to break off all diplomatic relations with the Tuscan Government. The Sardinian Legation left Florence, and the Tuscan Minister at Turin received his passports. This is the state in which the matter rests.

the question, but was determined to consider it a personal one to himself." "We shall fix a time," continues Count Buol," in which the difference ought to be made up; it does not matter to us whether there be a Sardinian Minister at Florence or not, but if you do not settle the dispute His Imperial Majesty will consider it a personal affair, and take measures accordingly." The question now is whether Austria shall be allowed to "take measures" in the manner which Count Buol indicates.

Why did M. Baldasseroni so quickly change his mind about the young attaché? Why was the friendly interchange of visiting cards Is Piedmont to suffer for her alfollowed by so hasty a demand for Count liance with us? The Court of Vienna has Casati's recall? What instigated the Tuscan formed a high resolve; it is for Europe to say Court to a breach of diplomatic rules and an whether it shall be carried out. The Tuscan open rupture with a friendly Power? In Government, doubtless through Austrian inthe answer to these questions lies the whole stigation, will listen to nothing. The British importance of the matter. The Tuscan Gov- Minister at Turin tendered his mediation; it ernment, with a due sense of obedience, asked was accepted by the Sardinian Cabinet, and the opinion of Count Buol, the Austrian a proposition was made involving great conMinister of Foreign Affairs. The Viennese cessions to Tuscany, for the sake of peace. statesman, in reply, asks whether the Grand This proposition the Tuscan Government has Duke of Tuscany can really think proper, peremptorily refused to receive. The Grand "in his position as an Austrian Archduke,' "Duke relies on Austria, and Austria relies on to receive in his palace a person who could not be received by his Imperial Majesty or by any Austrian Minister? This was enough. The Tuscan palace was in commotion. Reparation must be made at any cost. M. Baldasseroni, probably trembling for his place, was eager to atone for his former civility to the revolutionary attaché. He first solicits, then, without waiting for an answer, categorically demands, the young man's recall. Because the demand is not at once complied with, the terrified Grand Duke and his Minister hasten to show their devotion to the Imperial cause by an insolent and unnecessary rupture with a friendly Italian State. It may be said, however, that it does not much matter. Let the Grand Duke suspend his relations until he chooses to renew them. Sardinia may be well content to see with calmness the display of impotent spite excited in Viennese and Florentine cliques But, if the public will be surprised and inby the noble course which Victor Emmanuel dignant at the conduct of a foreign and deshas taken in the present war. Let the Court potic Court, what will they say to the course of Turin give itself no trouble about the re-taken by a representative of the British nanewal of diplomatic intercourse. But such tion, who abandons the cause of our deserving remarks would be founded on a misconcep- ally, and panders to the prejudices and pastion of the part which Austria thinks herself entitled to play in Italian politics. Our readers have yet to learn how far Count Buol is inclined to follow up what he and his colleagues consider their success.

her superior strength to force Piedmont into abject compliance. It remains to be seen whether the confidence of the great and the petty autocrat has a sound foundation. A storm of this kind has been long foreseen. Austria can never forgive Piedmont for being the ally of France and England. She cannot see without apprehension the faint dawn of Italian independence. Her influence in Turin, Florence, Rome, and Naples she looks upon as of little less importance than her sway over Milan and Venice. These Italian States were outworks of her empire. One of them is in alliance with France—the capital of another is occupied by French troops. It is not impossible that Austria may seek to regain her ascendancy by something more than high words. It is for this reason that we call the attention of the English people to the matter.

sions of the Tuscan Camarilla? The Marquis of Normanby is the Minister of England at Florence. He is connected, perhaps too closely, with the Court and society of the place, and evidently knows little of the feelSardinia is threatened. Count Buol car- ings which animate his countrymen in this ries matters with a high hand. In an inter-great cause. He thinks that the Grand Duke view with the Sardinian Minister at Vienna is quite right-that Count Buol and his he boldly states that, "as the rupture be- master only exercise a proper influence. tween the Courts of Florence and Turin had With him the young attaché is a rebel, or, at taken place in consequence of instructions least, of rebel breed. We learn from our own sent by the Imperial Government, His Ma- correspondence and from other sources that jesty the Emperor would not remain out of he has openly censured the conduct of the