CHAP. 1640. March 24. The English elections. The English elections were held in March. The returns were not to the satisfaction of the Court. Suspicion was doing its work among the electors and the elected. Men spoke of the cavalry which was being raised for the Northern war as if it were intended to keep Parliament in check. When the members arrived in London, it was evident that they did not quail before the danger. Their talk was of limitations to be placed on the prerogative, and of calling in question the Ministers by whom it had been unduly exalted. The work of the Long Parliament was The King already in their minds.1 On the other hand, counsellors were not wanting to urge Charles to be prepared to resort to force, and, in the belief of those who were likely to be well informed, he cherished the idea as at least a possible resource in the not improbable event of a refusal of supplies. As if to give warning of coming danger, he appointed a considerable number of Catholics as officers in his new army, whilst all who were tainted with Puritanism were sedulously excluded.3 advised to use force. He expects much from the Scots to Lewis. It was no immediate blow that Charles contemthe letter of plated. He placed great confidence in the effect likely to be produced even upon the new House of Commons by the revelation which he had in store for them. On the back of the letter which Traquair had brought him was an address Au Roi. It was evident to Charles not only that the Scots had committed treason in addressing Lewis as their King, but that every reasonable person was certain to come to the same conclusion. The opinion of the House of Commons would in this way be gained over to his side. 1 Salvetti's Newsletter, March 20. 30 20 2 Giustinian to the Doge, March 13, March 28, Ven. Transcripts. 3 Rossetti to Barberini, March 27 THE OPENING OF THE SHORT PARLIAMENT. 307 VII. 1640. April 11. communi A copy of the letter was first sent to the King of CHAP France.1 Lewis, of course, disavowed having ever seen it before; and, as the letter which he had seen was a different one, he was able to make this dis- The letter avowal with at least literal truthfulness. Richelieu cated to congratulated himself that he had kept clear of all negotiation with the Scots. By this event," he wrote, "M. de Bellievre will see that we have been more prudent than he."2 Lewis. of Lou Of those whose signatures were appended to the Committal letter, one only was in Charles's power. Loudoun doun. was one of the Scottish Commissioners in London. He was at once committed to the custody of one of the sheriffs, and the other Commissioners shared his fate, though they had nothing to do with the letter. It is probable that Charles's real motive is to be found in his anxiety to cut off all communication between them and the members of the English Parliament. In spite of the hopes which he founded on the effect of the letter which he had in his hands, Charles was depressed and anxious. The Privy Councillor's loan had been all too little for his needs. In vain he called on the citizens to lend him 100,000l. at eight per cent. for the necessary defence of the realm. Two days before the date appointed for the meeting of Parliament, the Lord Mayor and Aldermen were summoned before the Council. Manchester assured them not only that they were sure to have the money repaid, but that they ought to be grateful to the King for offering such advantageous terms. The citizens were not to be persuaded by his eloquence.3 Parliament was opened on April 13. The new 1 The King to Leicester, Apr. 11, Sydney Letters, ii. 645. 3 Rossingham's Newsletter, Apr. 14, S. P. Dom. ccccl. 88. The City re fuse to lend money. CHAP. VII. 1640. April 13. Finch's speech at the opening of Parliament. The letter to the French King produced. Lord Keeper, who had recently been raised to the peerage as Lord Finch of Fordwich, set forth at length the disloyalty of the Scots, dwelt upon their unnatural conduct in opening negotiations with foreign States, and pointed out that, now that Ireland had been civilised, Scotland was the only quarter from which England was open to attack. It was in defence as much of his subjects as of himself, that the King had been compelled to raise an army. For the payment of that army money was urgently needed. In order to anticipate any dispute about tonnage and poundage, a Bill had been prepared, in which those duties would be granted from his Majesty's accession. When this and a Subsidy Bill had been passed, Parliament would have some time to devote to the consideration of grievances, and, if the season of the year did not allow sufficient opportunity, another Session should be held in the following winter. As soon as the Lord Keeper had finished his speech, the King called on him to read the intercepted letter. "The superscription," said Finch, "is thisAu Roi. For the nature of which superscription, it is well known to all that know the style of France that it is never written by any Frenchman to any but to their own King; and therefore, being directed Au Roi, it is to their own King; for so in effect they do by that superscription acknowledge him." As the letter itself bore no intimation of any such acknowledgment, the whole evidence of treasonable intention lay in the superscription; and it is needless to say that this evidence was far too flimsy to support the weight which it was intended to bear.1 Even if 1 No doubt, Au Roi was not in any proper sense a direction. Several letters would be included in one packet, and marked Au Roi, Au Cardinal, &c., for the mere instruction of the bearer. |