and continued in the performance of his arduous public duties until June, 1777. During this time, indeed, he labored so uninterruptedly as seriously to injure his health. From the moment of his entrance into congress to the middle of the year 1777 he had served upon about 100 important committees, generally acting as chairman, and performing the greater portion of the labor of all. The gentleman in whose house he lodged in Philadelphia declared that "there was a constant procession of members repairing to his chamber to consult about their reports;' and Dr. Rush said of him that his activity so greatly surpassed his physical strength, that his mind was like a sword which was too large for its scabbard." On June 5 it was ordered by congress, "that Richard Henry Lee have leave of absence, his health and private affairs requiring his return to Virginia." The private affair was a vindication of his character and public action, from charges brought against him in the Virginia assembly, the effect of which had been to induce that body to leave him out in their recent appointment of delegates to the next congress. The indignation of Lee's friends was great. His brother, Francis Lightfoot Lee, and Mann Page, jr., then in congress, taking fire at the condemnation of their associate in his absence, without opportunity of defence," wrote to the speaker of the house, tendering a resignation of their seats. The people of Westmoreland, ever true to Lee, had already elected him a member of the assembly, and he promptly made his appearance before that body and demanded an inquiry into his conduct. It was granted; the senate united with the house, witnesses were examined, and Lee was heard in his defence. The charges were, that he had demanded of his tenants payment of their rent in produce instead of money, with a design to depreciate the paper currency of the country; that he had favored New England to the injury of Virginia; and that, as a member of the secret committee in congress, he had opposed the publication of their proceedings from a desire to conceal the embezzlement of the public money. These charges were fully refuted. As to the main imputation, that he designed injury to the currency by receiving produce in place of money for rent, it was shown that the proposition was made to his tenants in 1775, when the non-intercourse associations had ruined the sale of produce, when scarcely any paper money had been issued, and when it was a great favor and convenience to the tenants, for whose relief the plan was devised. Lee's speech upon this occasion is represented to have been full of noble eloquence, and to have affected his listeners profoundly. Without any display of passion or unbecoming anger, he plainly stated that certain evil-disposed persons hated him for that very zeal which good patriots had commended in him; and that these enemics, in his absence, had deliberately planned his destruction. He is said to have shed tears during his speech. A gentleman by no means

friendly to him said of it: "Certainly no de fence was ever made with more graceful eloquence, more manly firmness, equalness of temper, serenity, calmness, and judgment, than this very accomplished speaker displayed on this occasion." The result was a resolution of thanks to Richard Henry Lee "for the faithful services he has rendered his country, in the discharge of his duty as one of the delegates of this state in general congress." The resolution was announced by the venerable George Wythe, the speaker, who with tears flowing down his cheeks said: "It is with peculiar pleasure that I obey this command of the house, because it gives me an opportunity, while I am performing an act of duty to them, to perform an act of justice to myself. Serving with you in congress, and attentively observing your conduct there, I thought that you manifested in the American cause a zeal truly patriotic; and, as far as I could judge, exerted the abilities for which you are confessedly distinguished to promote the good and prosperity of your own country in particular, and of the United States in general." Lee replied in a few words, which were listened to in the midst of a profound si lence, many members being greatly affected. When George Mason, one of the recently appointed delegates, soon afterward resigned, Lee was chosen in his place; and thus his vindication was formally recognized as complete. Such is a brief relation of an event which enlisted the deepest feelings of the country at the time, and which still remains a vivid tradition in the popular mind. The arraignment, as it were, of so old and distinguished a public servant, the noble and affecting defence which he made before his peers, and the deep emotion of those who listened to his vindication, form altogether a great picture in the history of that period. The motive of the charges it is difficult at the present day to arrive at. Lee's prominent part in the exposure of Speaker Robinson's deficit, and the consequent hatred of the influential members who were involved in it, are said to have laid the foundation of a silent but bitter and profound hostility toward him; and the old application for a collectorship under the stamp act, never allowed to sleep, may have had its influence. Unpublished documents may some day clear up this obscure subject. Lee returned to congress, and in 1778 served upon 37 committees, though laboring under serious ill health. He continued to sit until 1780. During this and the three succeeding years he remained in Virgi nia, and as county lieutenant of Westmoreland actively exerted himself in repelling the enemy, who were making incursions on the banks of the Potomac. He also sat in the assembly, and took a prominent part in the debates. In 1784 he resumed his seat in congress, and was elected president of that body. In 1786 and 1787 be sat in the assembly; was again elected to cougress, and took his seat in the latter year; and when the federal constitution was adopted, was chosen one of the first two senators for Virginia

He was not a member of the Virginia convention to decide upon the adoption of the constitution, and was strongly opposed to that instrument, regarding it as a consolidation of political powers which would tend to destroy the independence of the state governments. Nothing, he said, could have induced him to accept the appointment of senator, except his reverence for the liberties of the land, and "a thorough conviction of the danger these will be exposed to by the unamended state of the new constitution." In these views Lee coincided, as is well known, with Jefferson, Henry, Mason, and other leaders. He exerted himself to carry the proposed amendments, and like his great associates lived to form a more favorable opinion of the instrument. He became a strong supporter of the administration of Washington, and fully approved of his course in the Genest affair, and of his neutrality policy. The last letter which he wrote upon political affairs was a long and earnest one to Washington, warmly approving his measures. In 1792 he finally retired from public service, received a vote of thanks from the Virginia assembly, and returned to Westmoreland. His last days were harassed by ill health, but retirement was delightful to him after his long and arduous services, and his family "almost idolized him." He had married early in life Miss Aylett, by whom he had two sons and two daughters; and after her death, Mrs. Pinkard, who is said to have been "every way worthy of him." He was a devoted member of the Episcopal church, and was twice thanked by conventions of that denomination for the interest which he had taken in its affairs. His charity to the poor was extremely liberal, and no doubt largely contributed to his popularity in Westmoreland. This popularity never failed him, and he never suffered a political defeat in the county.-Lee's personal appearance was a valuable assistance to his oratory. It was eminently noble and engaging. His stature was tall, and the carriage of his body graceful and courtly. His countenance was of the Roman model, with a tall, narrow forehead, the head "leaning persuasively forward." By an accident resulting from the bursting of a gun, in shooting swans on the Potomac, he had lost the 4 fingers of his left hand, and always wore upon it a black silk bandage; but in spite of this misfortune his gesture was so graceful that he was thought to have practised it before a mirror. Among the great names of the period, he seems to have most resembled Edmund Pendleton; and these two leaders will descend to posterity as the truthful types of a race of men, no less distinguished for the splendor, grace, and power of their eloquence, than for self-sacrificing devotion to their country. Lee's disposition was gentle and amiable. There are many proofs of this fact. He no doubt possessed that pride of race and sentiment of class which then characterized every man of ancient ancestry, and his scholarly habits probably made him appear exclusive and aristocratic in his feelings. There is suffi

cient proof, however, that he possessed a warm and kindly heart. The well authenticated instances of his open-handed charity, and the warm love which his brothers felt for him, indicate the amiability of his temper; and the many expressions of cordial affection in the letters addressed to him by his contemporaries, show that he had conciliated strong friendships. This latter test seems to establish clearly that a noble intellect was added in the man to an excellent heart.-His "Life and Correspondence" was published by his great-grandson, R. H. Lee (2 vols. 8vo., Philadelphia, 1825). II. FRANCIS LIGHTFOOT, one of the signers of the declaration of independence, born at Stratford, Westmoreland co., Va., Oct. 14, 1734, died in Richmond in 1797. Owing to the death of his father, he was not, like his brothers, sent abroad to complete his education; but under the direction of the Rev. Mr. Craig, a Scottish clergyman, who acted as private tutor at Stratford, he acquired a competent knowledge of the classics, and a great taste for reading and study. His father's library was extensive and valuable, especially for its fine editions of the British classics, and these volumes were ardently read by the young man. His father had left him an independent estate; and finding himself exempt from any care upon that score, he entered with zest into those social occupations and enjoyments which were then, as at present, a marked feature in the country life of Virginia. He is said to have been a favorite with ladies, and this was probably the result, in a measure, of a certain engaging gentleness and modesty which he always retained, to his great prejudice on the stormy arenas of debate, but to his advantage in social circles. From this round of enjoyments he was aroused by the struggle in the house of burgesses against parliament, and in 1765 took his seat there as member from Loudon county, where his estate was situated. He proved a useful member, but did not distinguish himself as a speaker. Diffidence seems to have been a family trait with the Lees. Richard Henry overcame it, but his younger brother never succeeded in doing so. He continued to sit until 1772, when, his term having expired, he left the house, was married to Rebecca, daughter of Col. John Tayloe of Richmond, and settled at "Monocan" in that county. He now united with his brothers in those measures of resistance against England which characterized Virginia at the period, and in Aug. 1775, upon the resignation of Col. Bland, he was chosen by the house of burgesses a delegate to the general congress. He was successively reelected in 1776, 1777, and 1778. During this whole period he seldom if ever appeared in debate, but acted upon many important committees, and frequently sat as chairman of the committee of the whole. When the declaration of independence was adopted, he signed that instrument. His chief services in congress were the assistance he rendered in framing the old articles of confederation, and the stand which he took in

favor of making the right to the northern fish eries and to the navigation of the Mississippi indispensable grounds in the conclusion of the treaty with England. These rights were finally guaranteed, and proved to be of primary importance. The gratitude of the New Englanders to the Lees appears in the correspondence of the period. Aspersions have been cast upon the "Lees of Virginia,” and the family represented as hostile to Gen. Washington. The journals of congress sufficiently refute these charges. Richard Henry Lee advocated the scheme of investing Washington with larger powers, and Francis Lightfoot, the only one of the family at that time in congress, voted for a confirmation of the sentence of the court martial against Gen. Charles Lee after the battle of Monmouth, for which reason the latter would never afterward speak to him. He subsequently approved of and supported the federal constitution, on the avowed ground that "Gen. Washington was for it." In the spring of 1779 he retired from congress, and returned to plantation life. He was again called to represent his county in the senate of Virginia, but soon afterward finally abandoned the public service. His love of ease and fondness for social enjoyment rendered a life in the country more agreeable to him than any other, and he resolutely adhered to his determination not again to embark upon the sea of politics. The latter years of his life form an agreeable picture. His wife had borne him no children, but he was the centre of a large circle of friends, who greatly valued him for the goodness of his heart and the charms of his conversation. His "gay good humor and pleasing wit" made him a favorite with all, and his plain and easy manners rendered him approachable by persons of every class. Thus, in his quiet retirement, tranquilly engaged in agricultural pursuits, of which he was very fond, and spending his leisure moments in reading, writing, and conversation, passed his latter days. A severe pleurisy finally seized him, and he died within a few days of the death of his wife. III. ARTHUR, an American statesman, born in Westmoreland co., Va., Dec. 20, 1740, died in Middlesex co., Dec. 12, 1792. He was the youngest of the 5 brothers. In his 11th year his father died, and the youth was left to the care of his eldest brother, the head of the family. After a brief course of tuition under a private teacher in Westmoreland, he was sent to Eton in England, where he formed intimate friendships with many youths who afterward became famous in public affairs, and applied himself assiduously to study. His father had designed him for the medical profession, which was then regarded as one of the few appropriate pursuits for the younger sons of gentlemen of position; and from Eton Arthur passed to the university of Edinburgh. He went through the course of general science and polite learning prescribed at the institution, and then commenced the study of medicine. His success was gratifying. The university conferred upon him the degree of M.D. and a diploma approving

him a "general scholar," at that time esteemed a great honor. He also gained a gold medal for the best treatise "on some botanical subject," the subject of his paper being the character and uses of Peruvian bark. A pleasing incident of his residence at Edinburgh was the cordial friendship which he formed with the well known earl of Buchan, which continued unbroken throughout the earl's life. Leaving the university, he travelled through Germany and Holland, and finally returned to Williamsburg, the capital of Virginia, where he commenced the practice of his profession. He soon acquired reputation, but the threatening aspect of affairs drew him strongly toward political subjects. His brothers were already prominent in politics, and he determined to abandon his profession, return to England, and there embark in the struggle. In pursuance of this design, about 1766 he proceeded to London, where, in order to support himself, he immediately began the study of the law, which presented far greater allurements to his active mind than the practice of physic. He plunged with ardor into the angry current of newspaper debate. With a young student like himself he formed an intimate connection; this was William (afterward Sir William) Jones, and the correspondence between the friends was long and confidential. Lee continued the study of law from 1766 to 1770, when he commenced the practice, and continued in successful and lucrative employment at the bar until 1776, when he went to reside as secret agent of the American congress in Paris. We have referred to his political activity during these years. He exerted himself in the cause of his native country with extraordinary vigor. His letters, under the signatures of "Junius Americanus" and "Monitor," became widely popular, and procured him the acquaintance and friendship of many of the most distinguished friends of Amer ican liberty. His opposition to the act declaratory of the right of parliament to tax the colonies, and to the subsequent stamp act, was warm and persevering; and such was the eloquence of one of his pamphlets, entitled "An Appeal to the English Nation," that it was long regarded as the work of Lord Chatham. As a member of a society of gentlemen of the opposition who styled themselves "supporters of the bill of rights," he drew up a preamble and resolutions setting forth the principles upon which the club was founded, and these papers were commented upon and praised by "Junius," who declared that Lee was plainly a man of abilities, though a little unreasonable." In order to vote in municipal elections, he purchased the freedom or the city of London, and exerted himself actively in the opposition. By his influence, the complaints of America were introduced into Wilkes's Middlesex petition; and he obtained the passage of a resolution by the "supporters of the bill of rights" that the members of the club would support no man for parliament who would not give pledges in favor of permitting America to tax herself. About this period Lee

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was elected a fellow of the royal society, an honor which he held until the commencement of the war. He then resigned it on the ground that he could not consent to continue his connection with an English institution requiring pecuniary as well as literary contributions from its members, when England was at war with his native country. Lee's activity in the assertion of American rights soon brought his name prominently before the people of the colonies; and in 1770 he was appointed by the assembly of Massachusetts agent for that colony in case of the absence or death of Dr. Franklin, then holding that position in London. Between Franklin and himself a strong intimacy had sprung up, and the agent and his alternate consulted and acted in unison. The statement of his appointment is made by Lee in a MS. entitled "Memoirs of the American Revolution," which he commenced in his latter years, but did not live to finish. When Franklin left England in 1774, Lee became sole agent for Massachusetts, and continued as such until he went to Paris. In 1774 he presented the addresses of congress to the people of England and to the king. Lord Dartmouth, to whom the petition to the king was presented, returned that " no answer could be given," whereupon Lee expressed to him his sorrow that his majesty had adopt ed a measure which would occasion so much bloodshed." In Nov. 1775, congress appointed a committee of secret correspondence with the friends of the colonies in England and other countries, and Lee was chosen agent for the purpose in London. He applied himself to the duties of his position with great activity; and in 1776, by order of the committee, proceeded to Paris, to open friendly negotiations with the French government. His labors met with fair success. The count de Vergennes presented a memorial to the king, suggesting that it would be sound policy "to facilitate to the colonies the means of procuring, in the way of commerce, the articles and even the money which they needed; but without departing from neutrality, and without giving them direct succors." Through the French ambassador at the English court, Lee finally obtained the assurance that the government would secretly furnish to the colonies £200,000 worth of arms and ammunition, to be transported from Holland to the West Indies. In Sept. 1776, congress proceeded to establish diplomatic intercourse with foreign nations; and Lee, Silas Deane, and afterward Dr. Franklin, were appointed commissioners to France. Lee had already accomplished two important objects. He had set on foot a private correspondence with the Spanish government, with the design of prevailing upon that court to unite with France in supplying the United States with money and arms; and had actually procured for the state of Virginia, from the royal arsenal of France, warlike stores of the value of nearly £260,000. The commissioners met in Paris in December, and decided that it was important for one of their number to VOL. X.-27

proceed to Madrid. Lee was chosen, and set out in Feb. 1777. Soon after his departure, Franklin received from congress the appointment of commissioner to Spain, but declined it, and in May Lee was chosen in his place. As soon as the appointment became known in London, the English government, who were well acquainted with Lee's character, and no doubt divined the objects which he had in view, instructed their minister at Madrid to protest against his reception. Leo was accordingly met at Burgos by a messenger, directing him not to proceed further. He returned an animated protest against this order, and the Spanish court finally withdrew it, permitting him to repair to the capital. Here he exerted himself with his accustomed activity, and presented to the government an eloquent memoir on "the present state of the dispute between America and Great Britain," the object of which was to establish the propriety of formally receiving a commissioner from the United States, and opening diplomatic intercourse with that country. He also drew up the plan of a treaty, and placed himself in communication with leading statesmen, persistently urging the adoption of a policy favorable to the cause of America. The government assured him of the good will of the king and the people, but adhered to a course of secrecy and caution. Ambiguous promises were plentifully made; but the only tangible success which Lee achieved was permission to make contracts for arms and ammunition with Spanish merchants. His residence at Madrid was of no slight importance, however, to the American cause. He impressed upon the minds of the statesmen of that country a high idea of the prospects and resources of America, and induced the court to instruct the Spanish minister at Paris to keep up a close and confidential intercourse with the American commissioners; and this intercourse finally enabled him to obtain a large and important loan. He returned to Paris, and found that his associates had during his absence opened negotia tions with the Prussian minister. William Lee, brother of Arthur, had just been appointed commissioner to the court of Berlin; but as he already filled the post of representative of the United States in Holland, where his services were needed, it was resolved that Arthur Lee should, without waiting to hear from congress, take his commission and instructions, and proceed immediately to Berlin. He accordingly left Paris in June, 1777, and repaired to the court of Frederic the Great. The obstacles before him were serious and discouraging. Prussia was not bound in any way to America, and was under treaty obligations with England. The objects of the commissioners were the establishment of commercial intercourse between Prussia and the United States; the prevention of assistance from Prussia to England in procuring German auxiliaries; the prohibition of the passage of such through the dominions of Frederic; and authority to purchase warlike stores from subjects of Prussia. In all these designs Lee