and non-officials to put aside, as far as possible, their old differences and enter on their new duties under the reform scheme in a spirit of mutual appreciation and co-operation.. As one who had laboured for India as a whole, and never made any distinction between Hindus and Mahomedans, he appealed to the members of both the communities to think of their vast common interests and unite in the sacred service of their common Motherland. But as the recognised head of the Congress organisation for a quarter of a century in England, he appealed to the seceders to return to the fold, appealing to Congressmen at the same time to make it as easy as possible for them to return, consistently with the fundamental position of the Congress. And in every quarter his words evoked a cordial and sympathetic response. Wherever he went the officials took occasion to mark the esteem in which they held him, and even His Excellency the Viceroy gave expression to his satisfaction at the work which Sir William had done. The AngloIndian Press was full of generous appreciation. His Highness the Aga Khan, with about fifty prominent members of the Muslim League, went specially from Nagpur where the League was then holding its sittings, to Allahabad where the Congress was in session, to attend a special conference under Sir William's chairmanship to consider Hindu-Mahomedan relations. And those who had seceded from the Congress approached him with letters and telegrams from all parts of India with suggestions as to how a re-union could be brought about between different sections of the Progressive Party, and made it abundantly clear that, whatever their differences with Congressmen in India, for Sir William Wedderburn they had but one feeling-that of intense affection, reverence, and gratitude. It was thus, first, to act as a conciliator all round, at a special juncture in our affairs, that we were anxious to have Sir William in India in 1910. But we were also anxious to have him for another reason. The reforms of 1908, which, as I have already said, opened a new chapter in our history, though they will specially remain associated with the names of two English statesmen-Lord Morley and Lord Minto-were really rendered possible by the long. spade-work extending over a quarter of a century done by

the Congress both in India and in England. And the work in England, which in some respects was even more important than the work in India, was in reality the work of two high-souled and devoted Englishmen-Mr. Hume, now alas! lying in a critical state of health, and Sir William Wedderburn. Other friends of India had, no doubt, contributed to this work from time to time in a lesser degree, but the brunt of it was borne by these two; and it was the barest truth to say that, but for Sir William's single-minded devotion, his dogged perseverance, his singular tact, and is infinite patience, it could not have been kept going for so many years, neither could it have been so fruitful.

After a quarter of a century's official connexion with. India, Sir William took up this voluntary work for us, and it is interesting to note that he has now completed another quarter of a century in India's service. Those who know him well need not be told that only a supreme sense of what was necessary in the interests of both England and India impelled him to undertake this work. By nature he is a typical English country gentleman. He loves a quiet life; he is devoted to gardening, and he is fond of travel. And he might well have indulged these tastes after his retirement from the Indian Civil Service, and might have, in addition, enjoyed the dignity of a seat in Parliament-he was for some years in the House, and he might have continued indefinitely-in comparative ease. But he felt that India needed him, and he decided to place his time, his energies, his resources unreservedly at her disposal, Ladies and gentlemen, there have been great Englishmen in the past in this country who from time to timehave raised their powerful voice on behalf of India. From Edmund Burke to Charles Bradlaugh a succession of great men have championed the cause of India in Parliament. And India will always cherish their names with gratitude and admiration. But India to them was not their sole or even their main interest in life. It was their strong sense of justice that led them from time to time to enter a passionate plea for justice to India. In Sir William's case, however, India has been his sole and single interest..

And the way in which he has laboured for her now for twenty-five years has really no parallel in Anglo-Indian history. It is, I think, comparatively easy to work for India in this country now, but it was not always so. As a prominent Englishman said to me the other day, it is not difficult to work for a cause with public enthusiasm on your side. It is not even difficult to work for it against opposition. But the most difficult thing is to work for it amidst apathy, ignorance, and ridicule; and most of Sir William's work had to be done under such conditions. An Englishman, who will soon be going out to India in a high capacity, told me only yesterday how his heart used to go out to Sir William when sitting by his side in the House, he watched his sensitive spirit-and Sir William by nature is very sensitive-suffer under constant rebuffs encountered in the service of India. Was it any wonder, then, that when the new order was inaugurated, and a brighter day had arrived, we in India should be anxious that one who had laboured for us so strenuously and borne for us so much should come out to witness with his eyes the fruit of his patient and devoted labours? It is true that the Reform scheme does not carry us far-that we are still a long way from the enjoyment of any real self-government. But it constitutes a valuable step in advance. Its most important feature is the power conferred on members of Legislative Councils to raise debates on administrative matters. By a wise and persistent use of this power we shall be able gradually to substitute an administration conducted in the light of public criticism responsibly tendered by public men face to face with officials for an administration conducted by officials with good intentions, no doubt, but conducted in the dark and behind the backs of people. And this, to my mind, is a great step in advance. I think a machinery has now been created in India whereby all our minor grievances can be brought effectively to the notice of the Government without troubling Parliament or the people of this country. For large questions of policy or principle our appeal will have still to be here; but the labours of Sir William Wedderburn and those associated with him have resulted in placing in our hands an instrument of progress which

will meet all our minor requirements, and will further enable us to exercise no small influence in moulding our own future. We, therefore, rejoiced when Sir William definitely accepted our invitation. We rejoiced when he arrived in India and we rejoiced even more when he was able to leave the country after completing his labour of love, undertaken at his great age and in his unsatisfactory state of health, without a serious breakdown. And now, ladies and gentlemen, nothing remains for me but to tender once again our heartiest thanks to Sir Charles and Lady Schwann for the great trouble which they have so readily taken in arranging this function and to you all for your kind presence here this afternoon.

PART V.

MISCELLANEOUS.

SPEECHES IN INDIA AND ENGLAND.

THE HOME CHARGES.

[A very largely attended public meeting of the inhabitants of Bombay was held on Saturday, July 15th, 1893, in the hall of the Framjee Cowasjec Institute, under the auspices of the Bombay Presidency Association, to adopt a Memorial to the House of Commons on the subject of the Home Military Charges in India. The Hon. Sir (then Mr.) P. M. Mehta was in the chair, and Mr. Gokhale moved the adoption of the Memorial in the following speech :--]

Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen,-Under ordinary circumstances, I should have hesitated to take upon myself the responsibility of proposing a resolution on so difficult and so complicated a question as the Home Military charges of India. But my task has become materially lightened by the very interesting debate which took place on this subject in the House of Lords about two months ago on a motion brought forward by the Earl of Northbrook. I think, gentlemen, and I am sure you all think with me, that Lord Northbrook has rendered a high and valuable service to the people of this country by raising his voice in the way he has done-I mean by raising his voice in so firm and emphatic a manner-against the injustice to which India has, for years past, been subjected in this matter of the Home Military charges.