or tendency, is readily intelligible. Comp. also the infinitive with adjectives and participles (c).

Rarer instances of this sort present, even in Old-English, the infinitive with to: His visage that oughte be desired to be say (= seen?) of al mankynde (CHAUC., C. T. p. 190. I.). Out of his owhen chaumber He was y-hote to go (AMIS A. AMIL. 1577.). As justice to jugge Enjoyned is no poore (P. PLOUGHм. p. 290.). In Halfsaxon might belong here: All mannkinn forrbodenn iss To fandenn Godess mahhte (ORM. 12021.), although in all mannkinn the dative might also be seen, as in: pe land off Galileo patt hiwm wass bedenn sekenn (ORM. 8465.), where the pure infinitive stands. The case of the person stands thus even subsequently: One fatal tree there stands, of knowledge call'd, Forbidden them to taste (MILT., P. L, 4, 514.). The pure infinitive also stands in Old-English with the passive of similar notions of activity: Over al y-honted, And y-hote trusse (P. PLOUGнм. p. 41.). This knight was bode appiere (CHAUC., C. T. 6612.). In Anglosaxon we perhaps meet the infinitive with to: although with a changed subject of the infinitive: Hara and svŷn synd forbodene tô äthrînenne (LEVIT. 11, 6—8.).

With the passive of let, make, the infinitive likewise stands with regard to the subject of the passive. With let, however, we meet only the pure, as with leave the prepositional infinitive; with make the language fluctuates.

This poor right hand of mine Is left to tyrannize upon my breast (SHAKSP., Tit. Andron. 3, 2.). Four of the sufferers were left to rot in irons (MACAUL., II. 183.). The reference of this passive to the infinitive may indeed be otherwise apprehended: I am made to understand, that you have lent him visitation (SHAKSP., Meas. for Meas. 3, 2.). Give also frequently occurs, alongside of make, in the passive, especially with the infinitive just touched upon: As I am truly given to understand (I Henry IV. 4, 4.). As I was given to understand by some inquiries (SCOTT, R. Roy 5.). I was given to understand that she abandoned me (BULW., Rienzi 3, 3.). When were the winds Let slip with such a warrant to destroy? (Cowp. p. 186.) Thou wert let drop into obscurity (COLER., Picc. 4, 7.). And when their crimes were made appear (BUTL., Hud., The Lady's Answ. 165.).

In the older language don and maken particularly are met with in the passive with the infinitive. Old-Engl.: I am done to understand (Tows. M. p. 69.). He was maad that tyme To take the spere in his hond (P. PLOUGHм. p. 374.), when the pure infinitive also occurs: A strong fer (fire) ther was don make (AMIS A. AMIL. 1216.). This maister was maad sitte (P. PLOUGHм. p. 248.). We otherwise find also the passive with the case of the person and the infinitive with to: Me it is i-don to wyt off frendes (RICH. C. DE L. 1711.). Halfsax.: þurrh patt wass uss don þær full wel to seon annd tunnderrstanndenn (ORм. 3892.). I have not met with Anglosaxon instances.

b) With intransitives the prepositional infinitive has, conformably with the nature of these verbs, a less intimate relation to them, and it mostly serves to denote the determination and intention which, in a loose connection in general belongs to it. a) The use of the infinitive with be is first to be discussed. With

Mätzner, engl. Gr. II. 2.

3

this in itself incomplete verb of the predicate the infinitive with to has from the most ancient times stood as a complement, in a certain measure in the sense of a participle of the future. In the modern tongue the subject of the sentence is at the same time predominantly regarded as that of the infinitive, on which account the infinitive of the active receives the meaning of an active; that of the passive, that of a passive participle of the future.

I would I were to die with Salisbury (SHAKSP., I Henry VI. 5, 1.). What is to become of me (BULW., Maltrav. 2, 5). I'm yet to thank you for choosing my little library (GOLDSM., G. Nat. M. 3.). The party in power was presently to provide for the young poet (THACKERAY, Engl. Humour. 2.). What companion am I to have in this cursed resort of antiquarians and Lazzaroni? (BULW., Maltrav. 2, 5.) If brother Peter was to hear you (DOUGL. JERROLD, Prison, of W. 1, 1.). Faith is not to be held with hereticks (MARLOWE, Jew of M. 2, 2.). It is not to be borne (COLER., Wallenst. 1, 11.). What is to be done? (BULW., Rienzi 5, 3.) There was no time to be left (Maltrav. 1, 4.). The trick of laughing frivolously is by all means to be avoided (CHATI., Lett. 5.). My picturé is to be finished (TAYLOR A. READE, Masks 2.) But to whom is the bag of gold to be delivered? (ROGERS, It., The Bag of Gold) The infinitive of the active however often stands where, in relation to the subject, that of the passive would be to be expected, that is, the subject of the infinitive remains undenoted, and the activity is stated abstractedly: Were I to get again, Madam, I would not wish a better father (SHAKSP., John 1, 1.). What's here to do? (MARLOWE, Jew of M. 1, 2.) There's nobody else to kill, is there? (DICKENS, Pickw. 2, 20.) "Didst thou rob no one?" "There was no one to rob, save a party of students." (Longf. I. 180,) There's no time to waste (ADDIS., Cato 1, 3.). Are there no follies for his pen to purge? (BYR. p. 326.). Are there no sins for satire's hand to greet? (ib.) Here also belongs the formula: This is to say (BUTL., Hud. 1, 2, 47.), which perhaps has not been copied from the French c'est à dire.

The infinitive of the passive is an innovation in the cases cited, it does not become usual in Old-English till subsequently: pe bookis pat ben to be writen (WYCLIFFE, Joh. 21, 25.). Here is to be maryde a mayde synge (Cov. Mysr. p. 96.). The infinitive of the active of transitive verbs is else generally used; the infinitive of intransitive verbs is of course common to all ages. Old-Engl.: To segge sop of pinges pat to comene bep (R. OF GL. I. 145.). Drede of harm that is to come (CHAUC., C. T. p. 188. II.). Ich wol pe grante ywis.. zef it to grante ys (R. OF GL. I. 115.). Nes me not to done Such pyng, as pou me biddest to graunte pe, so sone (ib.). And asked what hire was to don (ALIS. 467.). That in burghe is to selle (P. PLOUGHм. p. 135.). In charnel at chirche Cherles ben yvel to knowe (p. 120.). Is here ony messe to do (WRIGHT A. HALLIW., Rel. Ant. I. 62.). The dogges wer nothyng to blame (HUNTYNG OF THE HARE 124.). The sothe is not to hyde (Tows. M. p. 262.). The latter dede is more to drede Then was the fyrst (p. 257.). That nevere weren to truste (DEPOS. OF RICH. II.

p. 12.) What is this to meene? (P. PLOUGHм. p. 15. cf, 18, 293.) That is to seye (MAUNDEV. p. 2. 18. 29.). That is to undrestonde (p. 63.). The owner therof is a lady of estate Whoes name to tell is dame Saunce-pere (SKELTON I. 32.). Halfsax.: patt irre patt to cumenn iss (ORM. 9267). Rihht att te treowwess rote, patt iss to seggenn openndiz, Rihht att tatt follkess ende (10084.) Anglosax.: Se pe to cumenne ys (Joн. 1, 15.) His apostolas tô farenne væron geond ealle eorðan (LEGG. ELFRED. 49.). Mannes sunu ys to syllanne on manna handa (MATH. 17, 22.). Bûton þâm bôcum på synd tô häbbene (A.-S. HoMIL. I. 3.). Hvät is nu mâre ymbe pät to sprcenne (I. 92.). Nyston hvet heom tô donne være (SAX. CHR. 1083.). Eal svyle is to leanne, and næfre to lufjanne (LEGG. ÆTHELR. IV. 22.). Us is eác tô vitenne pät væron sume gedvolmen (A.-S. HOMIL. I. 110.). pät is to pâfjanne (LEGG. ELER GUTHL. 5.). Ealdor' pät is to understandenne ealra gelyfendra vifa môder (A.-S. HOMIL. I. 92.). The Modern-Highdutch uses the infinitive of the active, where English has that of the passive, which, however, was unable to supplant the former.

In the old combination of be with about, which operates adverbially, the subject of the verb of the predicate always remains formally that of the infinitive also.

Is he about to shew us any play? (GAY, Begg. Op. 2, 1.) As Owen was about to answer etc. (SCOTT, R. Roy 2.). He was not in the frame of mind which befits one who is about to strike a decisive blow (MACAUL., H. of E. II. 175.).

Old-Engl. Whether the folk me gyle dothe, Be aboute me to anoye (RICH. C DE L. 4682.). Men beth aboute the to spille (WRIGHT, Polit. S p. 199.). The adder . . was aboute the child to sting (SELYN SAGES 763.). Us to tray and teyn Ar thay abowte (Town. M. p. 298). Instead of about older times present umbe (ymbe): He is eaver umben to reare sum ladde (WRIGHT A. HALLIW., Rel. Ánt. II. 5.). Earlier instances seem wanting.

B) Verbs of movement, as go, come, hasten, rise, lay down &c. have, with a few exceptions still occurring, (see pure infin. p. 16.) the infinitive with to, which chiefly denotes the tendency of the activity, but appears even where verbs of this kind, especially come, denote only becoming in time and, without the notion of tendency, express the falling into something or the progress to something.

And it came to pass etc. (MATTH. 26, 1.); so very frequently in the translation of the Bible. How, indeed, or by what steps, the ancient Celtic togue came to be banished from the Low Countries in Scotland. . cannot be so well pointed out etc. (BLAIR, Lectures). When I come to think of the matter (DICKENS, Pickw. 2, 20.). When you come to be in my circumstances (WARREN, Diary 1, 18.). Comp. also: This English nation, will it get to know the meaning of its strange new Today? (CARLYLE, Past a. Pres. 1, 2.), where get may be likewise taken intransitively. The notion of tendency or intention else always comes out: She finds the boy she went to find (PARNELL, Ŵ. I. 25.). And down I went to fetch my bride (TENNYS. p. 91.). We come with joy from our eternal rest, To see th' oppressor in his turn oppress'd (Cowp. p. 98.). I nearer drew to gaze (MILT., P. L. 9. 578.). Shall Truth fail to keep her word,

Justice divine not hasten to be just (10, 856.). Ingenious Art

Steps forth to fashion and refine the race (Cowp. p. 98.). Mr. Weller. presently returned to say that there was only a gentleman with one eye (DICKENS, Pickw. 1, 19.). As we rose to leave the study (WARREN, Diary 1, 18.). You sit down to teach me chess (BOURCIC., Lond. Assur. 3.) and so on.

How in former and the most ancient times the pure infinitive also denoted the activity aimed at is pointed out at p. 16. It was gradually supplanted by the prepositional infinitive Old-Engl.: Crist

wente in to desert to be tempted of the devele (WRIGHT A. HALLIW., Rel. Ant. I. 41.). Dat he to hym wende To helpe hym (R. or GL. I. 169). Whanne men wil go to kutte hem (MAUNDEV. p. 50.). I will go me to hyde (Town. M. p. 19.). He commys to folfylle the law (p. 169.). Whider schal thanne the wrecche synful man flee to hyden him? (CHAUC., C. T. p. 187. I.). The hound that torneth to ete his spewyng (p. 186. II.). Halfsax.: He shall newenn cumenn forp To turrnenn and to wendenn pe suness etc. (ORM. 183.). Thus even in Anglosaxon similar verbs take the infinitive with tô: Ne com ic rihtvise to geciganne (MATH. 9, 13 ff. 10, 34. Nuм. 22, 6. LEGG. Ælfr. 49.). Erpam pe his apostolas tô farenne væron geond ealle eorðan tó læranne (LEGG. ÆLFR. I. 1.). Even Gothic uses, along with the pure infinitive, that with du with verbs of motion, for instance MARC. 4, 3. Luc. 8, 5.

7) Verbs of rest, of tarrying &c. take in the modern tongue only the infinitive with to, whereby the destination, the purpose is denoted.

He lies in wait to catch the poor (Ps. 10, 9.). He stopped for a minute to look at the strange irregular clusters of lights (DICKENS, Pickw. 2, 20.). Fate commands, And I live but to perform her bidding (TALFOURD, Ion 4, 2.). The destination may remind us of temporal succession; If I live to be a man, My father's death revenged shall be (SCOTT, L. Minstr. 1, 9.). Old-Engl.: A comoun woman that dwelled there to resceyve men to folye (MAUNDEV. p. 24.). For the pure infinitive with verbs of rest see p. 17.). The infinitive with du is here known even to Gothic: Blinda sat faur vig du aithron (MARC. 10, 46. Luc. 18, 35.).

d) With intransitives, which of themselves denote inclination, utility, capacity and tendency, as well as with activities denoted intransitively, whose purpose or result is added, the infinitive with to is in general familiar.

If they incline to think you dangerous (SOUTHERN, Oroon. 3, 1.). Those harmless delusions that tend to make us happy (GOLDSM., Vic. 3.). They only served to mark the dirty entrance to some narrow close (DICKENS, Pickw. 2, 20.). As she prepared to get into the coach (ib.). The heart on which I had so longed to rest my head (TAYLOR A. READE, Masks 2.) and many more. We'll strive to please you (SHAKSP., Twelfth N. 5, 1.). Struggling to be free (Haml. 3, 2.). Many a dunce whose fingers itch to write (Cowp. p. 4.). In England, to be a useful or a distinguished man, you must labour (BULW., Maltr. 2, 4.). All, to reflourish, fades (YOUNG, N. Th. 6, 687.).

Old Engl.: Fond to don better (P. PLOUGHм. p. 456.). She gan so

sore long To seene her suster (CHAUC., Leg. of Good Women 2256.). Al be it so that thay availen not to have the lif perdurable, yit avaylen thay to abrigging of the peyne of helle (CHAUC., C. T. p. 189. I.). Traveillen bysyly to drawen hire lore fro erthely thinges (WRIGHT A. HALLIW., Rel. Ant. I. 39.). Halfsax.: Fundede to farenne (LAZAM. II. 325.). Natanael to frazzenn toc (ORM. 13702.). In Anglosaxon we meet the infinitive without tô with similar verbs: Hvider fundast þu . . síðas dreógan? (CAEDM. 2363.); fundjan may indeed be reckoned among verbs of movement (niti properare).

E) A number of intransitive verbs or verbs used intransitively, to which especially notions of the activities of emotions, but others also belong, which else take a preposition with an object, combine with the prepositional infinitive, which here awakens the image of an accompanying activity as of the motive of another. Comp. belove 7b.

Why weep ye not to think upon my wrongs? (MARL., Jew of M. 1, 2.) I joy to meet thee thus alone (ADDIS., Cato 1, 4.). I rejoice to hear that you have begun Homer's Iliad (CHATHAM, Lett. 2.). I blush and am confounded to appear Before thy presence (4, 4.). Sham'st thou not to beg? (BEN JONS., Ev. Man in his hum. 2, 3.) Polly suffers, to see thee in this condition (GAY, Begg. Op. 2, 2.). Cæsar will shrink to hear the words thou utter'st (ADDIS., Cato 2, 2.). Sir Antony will stare to see the Captain here (SHERID., Riv. 1, 1.). Democritus ne'er laugh'd so loud To see bawds carted thro' the crowd (BUTL., Hud. 2, 1, 81.). I could not but smile to hear her talk in this lofty strain (GOLDSM., Vic. 3.).

Here also might be referred wonder and care with the infinitive, since we have to regard them as original intransitives: A single thing, as I am now, that wonders To hear thee speak of Naples (SHAKSP., Temp. 1, 2.). I do not greatly care to be deceived (Ant. a. Cleop. 5, 2.). Yet nothing that my tyrants knew or taught I cared to learn (SHELLEY I. 157.). The verb care certainly deviates apparently from its original meaning, in that it may be explained by be disposed, have regard to.

In the ancient tongue this combination with intransitives is more rarely found: An hors wold wepe to se the sorow he maide (HALLIW., Nug. Poet. p. 1.). Ye have gretly erred to have cleped such maner folk to youre counseil (CHAUC., C. T. p. 158 a.). See moreover 7b. The influence of the Romance à seems here not without importance. In Anglosaxon we find nothing corresponding. The verb cearjan there appears with the pure infinitive: Ne ceara pu feor heonon fleáme dolan somvist incre (CAEDM. 2273.). Otherwise cearjan has also the preposition ymb with an object.

4. The prepositional infinitive stands in immediate combination with the adjective to denote various references to a notion of the activity. We comprehend the participles of the perfect, which may operate adjectively, although they are at the same time employed to form the passive.

a. A great number of adjectives and participles are connected with this infinitive, which express readiness, inclination,