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it bear thee on, to new Americas, or whither God will! (CARLYLE, Past a. Pres. 3, 11.).

As the adverb of place may also be determined by prepositions, so too the whole sentence of determination of place may be connected with the principal sentence by a preposition, like a substantive: Cam'st thou from where they made the stand? (SHAKSP., Cymb. 5, 3.) He raised the maid from where she knelt (Byron, Bride 1, 12.). We saw a stag bound nimbly by, within about twenty paces of where we were sitting (GOLDSM., Vic. 5.). If the loud cry of a mother's heart Can ever ascend to where thou art (LONGF. II. 138.). The star. . stood over where the young child was (MATTH. 2, 9.). He was cast away About where Troy stood once, and nothing stands (BYR., Beppo 94.).

The originally interrogative where formerly appeared, alongside of the forms there thider, used relatively, in dependent sentences of determination of place; the latter have, however, long been preserved as relatives. OldEngl. No wonder the hit smyte harde ther hit doth alizte (WRIGHT, Pop. Treat. p. 136.). De rose is myghties, per nettille spredis over fer (LANGT. I. 280). Ther that mischief is gret, Mede may helpe (P. PLOUGHм. p. 53). And wente ther the kyng stondis (ALIS. 7216.). Sche come to hym ther he sat (RICH. C. DE L 1569.). Ther have I taught hem to be charitable, And spend her good ther it is resonable (CHAUC., C. T, 7377.). Halfsax.: For wurdscipe ualled adune per wes or wunne (Lazam. III. 216.). Forr þær þær ho purrh Drihhtin warrp Off haliz Gast wipp childe þær toc ho blostme off Godess Gast (ORM. 1931.). Anglosax.: Vuna par pe leófost ys (GEN. 20, 15.) Hvearf þà hräolice par Hroðgâr sät (BEOV. 717.). Älfvine väs ofslegen be Trentan, þær þær Egfers and Edelrêd gefuhton (SAX. CHR. 679.). Nu þu môst fêran pider pu fundadest (Cod. EXON 102, 11). Gà pu and læde pis fole päder pe ic pe ær sæde (32, 34.). In the last instance pe undertakes the relative relation. Thurgh the hole gan he pas, Til he come whare the lady was (SELYN SAGES 3081.). Where is love and leautee, Thei wol noght come there (P. PLOUGHм p. 67.). Uncoupled thei wenten. Where hemself liked (p. 10.). The Cristene men wenten, where hem lykede best (MAUNDEV. p. 260.). There where seynt Kateryne was buryed, is nouther chirche ne chapelle (p. 62.). Go now weder thou has to go (Tows. M. p 43.) and even Halfsax.: Ech man mot wende woder his louerd hotep (LAAM. II. 623. modern text [where the older text has: per his lauerd hine hated gan]).

The attaching of this dependent sentence by means of a preposition belongs to the oldest period of the language. Halfsax.: Mann barr þatt fule lic Till per he bedenn haffde (ORM. 8183.). Anglosax.: And ferde nihtes tô par heora fyrd vicodon (JUDIC, 7, 19.). Se steorra. . him beforan ferde, ôð he stòd ofer þær pät child väs (Math. 2, 9.).

2. As, generally, the adverb of place is not restricted to the determination of place in the strictest sense, but may also be referred to things, or even persons, with whom or with which anything takes place, so, too, it is sometimes used where a circumstance of time, rather than a place, is thought of.

Ne let vaine fears procure your needlesse smart, Where cause is none (SPENSER, F. Qu. 1, 1, 54.). Where one on his side fights, thousands will fly (SHAKSP., Rich. II. 1, 3.). But where he rode one mile, the Dwarf ran four, And the Dwarf was first at the castle door (SCOTT, L. Minstr. 2, 31.).

In the last instances an opposition is at the same time effected, which in modern times has been transferred to whereas. See 3. The local sentence formerly often bordered on the temporal sentence. Old-Engl.: We held with hym ther he saide leasse, And therfor have we alle unpeasse (Town. M. p. 5) Halfsax.: Arður wes wnnsum per he hafde his willen, & he wes wod sturne wid his wider iwinnen (LAAM. II. 522.), Anglosaxon: þær par hi gode beod, ponne beo hì purh päs godan mannes god gôde (BOETH. 16.).

3. The form whereas (there as), in use concurrently with the simple where, is now obsolete in this sense, although it was imported with the modern tongue.

They backe retourned to the princely place; Whereas an errant knight they new arrived find (SPENSER, F. Qu. 1, 4, 38.). 'Tis his highness' pleasure You do prepare to ride unto Saint Albans, Whereas the king and queen do mean to hawk (SHAKSP., II Henry VI. 1, 2.).

On the other hand whereas is in modern times employed similarly to the German während. Fr. tandis que, so that what appears at the same time or of the same measure is, as it were, placed in the same space.

οτι

And ye shall be left few in number, whereas ye were as the stars of heaven for multitude (DEUTER. 28, 63.). Gr. dvopov OTI ATE WSEL Ta aspa. She was a married woman; 'tis convenient Because in Christian countries 'tis a rule To view their little slips with eyes more lenient; Whereas if single ladies play the fool. . I don't know how they ever can get over it (BYR., Beppo 24.). And whereas I was black and swart before, With those clear rays which she infused on me, That beauty I am bless'd with, which you see (SHAKSP., I Henry VI. 1, 2.). And hence it is that whereas the quality, which first strikes us in most poets, is sensibility. the first quality which strikes us in Goethe is intellect (LEWES, G. I. 42.). Yet whereas is also employed, particularly in the legal style, to represent the situation of the thing in which what is contained in the principal sentence appears. We may find it about answering to the Lat. quoniam, quandoquidem: Whereas you desire to know the Queen's Majesty's pleasure, what she will do for appeasing of these controversies. .; her pleasure in this behalf, that ye should leave off the maintenance of this civil discord (ROBERTSON, Hist. of Scotl. III. 226. Declar. a. 1571. cf. ib. p. 142.). Whereas thou hast searched all my stuff, what hast thou found of all thy household stuff? (GENES. 31, 37.). Whereas I had appointed to meet her to-day, say I cannot (AINSWORTH, Lat. Diction. 1824. v. whereas).

With whereas compare when as and while as with the dependent sentence of the determination of time. In ancient times there as and where as were used, like the particles without as, of the determination of space: pere as pe batayle was, an abbey he let rere (R. OF GL. II. 369.). pere as ys vncle ded lay, ys foule caroyne brozte (I he 216.). To the hexte hevene.. ther as the sterreu beoth (WRIGHT, Pop. Treat. p. 134). Ther as the semble y-holde schal be, Ther schul be maystrys and felows also (HALLIW., Freemas. 408.). There as the flom Jordan partethe fro the see of Galilee, is a gret brigge (MAUNDEV. p. 115.). Ther as thou may have noon audience, enforce the not to speke (CHAUC, C. T.

p. 152. II.). Hwar ase eni of peos was per was pe kundel etc. (WRIFHT A HALLIW., Rel. Ant. I. 67.). And the colveres retournen ajen, where as thei ben norissht (MAUNDEV. p. 118.). Or I go.. to the lond of mysese and of derknesse, wher as is the schadow of the deth, wher as is noon order ne ordinaunce (CHAUC., C. T. p. 187. II.). They.・ will tell of thinges that have be done, Whereas never shyneth sone ne mone (HALLIW.. Nugae Poet. p. 8.). The particle as has no other effect than the particle that, which may also combine with where: This frere com, as he were in a rage, Wher that his lord sat (CHACC, C. T 7748. See p. 397.

Where as was subsequently nsed in a metaphorical meaning: It semeth that yow sufficeth to have been counseiled by these counseilours only . . wher as in so gret and so heigh a neede, it hadde be necessarious mo counseilours (CHAUC., C. T. p. 156. II.). Wher as ye sayn, that alle wommen ben wikke. ye despise alle wommen in this wise (p. 153. I.). And ther as ye blame alle wymmen. . I schal schewe.. that many a womman hath ben ful good (ib. II.).

4. The sentences of determination of place denote either a definite locality at that time occupied by an object, or the place indicated by it may change or be in itself indefinite, and is determined each time by the identity of the action only. These dependent sentences may coincide in point of form, as is shewn by the instances cited under 1. But the generalization or the indefiniteness of the locality may also be from the commencement expressed by combination. The questionable place is generalized in Modern-English by adding ever or soever to the adverb of place, whereas the former subjunction of so merely is obsolete.

Where'er a frown Appears against you, nothing's spared to make The wearer doff it (SHEKID. KNOWLES, Virgin. 5, 3.). Oh lead me wheresoe'er I go, Thro this day's life or death (POPE, Univ. Prayer). I will go whithersoever you lead (WEBST. v.).

Dependent sentences of this sort, which become concessive sentences (see the Concessive sentence) have from the most ancient times admitted only the originally interrogative form of the adverb of place. The ac companying so (swa, svâ), which was at first preceded by a correlative svâ, sufficed for the generalized sentence, but ever was also early added to or substituted for it. Old-Engl.: Wasches ow hwer so ned is as ofte as ge wiln (WNIGHT A. HALLIW, Rel. Ant II. 4.). Therfore ever-eft after-ward wher so develen beo, Of thundre hi beoth so sore agast that hi nute whoder fleo (WRIGHT, Pop. Treat. p. 136.). But evermo, wher so I go or ryde, I am thin owen clerk (CHAUC., C. T. 4236. cf 16123.). Where so we go,

where so we weynd, Thus shalle we say (Town. M. p. 267.). Halfsax.: pat heo moten wonien wer swa heo wolled (Lazam. I. 21. cf. I. 392. II. 50.). Faren pu scalt bi ræde wuder swa ich pe læde (II. 372.). In Orm whorse, whærs, whærsumm, Old-norse hvar sem, Danish whorsomhelst, are met with: Whers itt iss itt harrdnepp all pe gode manness herrte (ORм. 1574. cf. 4874.). Forr þatt tez wolldenn cumenn efft. . Till himm, whærsumm he wære att inn (12924. cf 1822.). In Anglosaxon a svá precedes the adverb: Sige häfdon svâ hvar svâ hî cômon (SAX CHR. 449.). Väs underfangen over eall, svâ hvar svâ he com, mid micel vuroscipe (1130.). Svâ hvyder svâ he in-gæð, secgað þäs hûses hlâforde etc. (MARC. 14, 14.). Thus the Middle-Highdutch combines swa sô, swar sô, that is so ra, sû war so, but mostly contents itself with swa, swar. Ever is for instance, met with in Old-Engl.: And taketh hede. whersever ze com (HALLIW., Freemas. 579.). He hath alweys 3 wifes with him, where that ever he be (Maux

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DEV. p 217.). In Halfsaxon euere stands with ware in an indirect question: Sellich heom pohten ware euere onder heauene soch heued were ikenned (Lazam. III. 37. modern text).

As to the reference of the adverbial sentence to a substantive see the Adjective Sentence.

The Dependent Sentence of the Determination of Time.

1. This dependent sentence may, in the first place, determine the when? in general as a point or a space of time within each of the three spheres of time to which the action of the principal sentence is referred, which may likewise be a present, a past or a future one. The action contained in the dependent sentence may in fact coincide with that of the principal sentence, or be uncontemporaneous; both may cover each other, or one enclose the other, as the space does the point of time. These relations, in themselves possible, resulting both from the tenses of the dependent and of the principal sentence, and from the context and the nature of the actions, are not of themselves indicated by the particle of time eontained in the sentence; it is least charateristic, therefore capable of various relations, and might in part interchange with others.

a. a. The particle chiefly coming under consideration here is when.

Wash they his wounds with tears? mine shall be spent, When theirs are dry (SHAKSP., Rom. a. Jul. 3, 2.). I like a parliamentary debate, Particularly when 'tis not too late (BYR., Beppo 47.). It was broad day when he awoke (Lewes, G. I. 39.). When we arrived in London, they drove to the Blue Boar (MARRYAT, P. Simple 1, 1.). When Columbus arrived at Cordova, the court was like a military camp (IRVING, Columb. 2, 3.). When I was young I thought of nothing else But pleasure (SHELLEY, Cenci 1, 1.). Most men, when they knew that her melancholy had no ground in real sorrow

might have wished her whatever could add to her happiness (SCOTT, Pirate 3.). Mordaunt resisted being swept off with the receding billow, when, though an adroit swimmer, the strength of the tide must either have dashed him against the rocks, or hurried him out to sea (7.). I hope you will pardon my passion when I was so happy to see you last (GAY, Begg. Op. 3, 1). [In this instance the sphere of time of the ebullition is stated by the dependent sentence.] I remember When he was no better born than myself (FIELD., J. Andr. 2, 5.). [Here the temporal sentence borders on the indirect question.] When the Provost and Cleveland had returned into the public council-room, the former retired a second time (SCOTT, Pirate 35.). When I shall die Take him and cut him out in little stars (SHAKSP., Rom. a. Jul. 3. 2.).

In narrative, not so much the sphere of time of the action generally is stated by a dependent sentence following the principal sentence, as a surprising event introduced by it: He was proceeding in this learned manner, when a mighty noise interrupted him (FIELD., J. Andr. 1, 14.). I was preparing to go out, when the servant informed me there was one yet to be spoken with (WARREN,

Diary 1, 4.). They lowered him, with the sound Of requiems to repose, When from the throngs around A solemn voice arose (MRS. HEMANS p. 20.). A detachment of his troops was preparing to march to Bridport, when a disastrous event threw the whole camp into confusion (MACAUL, Hist. of E. II. 145.). The schoolmaster had scarcely uttered these words in a fierce whisper, when the stranger entered (DICKENS, Nickleby 1, 4.). The principal sentence contains either a general situation or a completed action, as in the last instance, which interchanges with other forms of the sentence, as is to be observed under b, where older forms are also stated. The older language introduces these sentences both with the originally interrogative, but also formerly relatively used whanne, hwan, Anglosaxon hvänne, hvonne, and with the originally demonstrative, formerly more generally relatively employed thanne, than, Anglosox. pänne penne, commonly ponne. Old-Engl.: Wanne 1 denke dinges re, Ne mai hi nevre blive ben WRIGHT A. HALLIW., Rel. Ant. I. 235.). Wanne he is i-kindled stille lið de leun (I. 209.). Ge muhen swa don ofte, hwen ow punches hevie (II. 4.). Wen pe strengpe failep, me mot take quoyntyse (R. OF GL. I. 20.). Wynter is per long, whan somer is here in pride (LANGT. II. 240.). Quen alle thinges draus pus-gat til end, pe angels .. Sal knele dun (ANTICR. 675.). Whan that messangeres of straunge contrees comen before him thei ben aboute the souldan (MAUNDEV. p. 40.). Whan he was asoyled of the pape Sergie He died (LANGT. I. 1.). Whan thei had sene pat sight, pes com and teld our kyng (II. 253.). Whan the peple was plener comen, The porter unpynned the yate (P. PLOUGHм. p. 209.). Whan sayd was this miracle every man As sober was (CHAUC., C T. 15102.). Whanne pe ilke spirit of treupe schal come, he schal teche zou al treupe (WYCL., Joh 16, 13.). Halfsax.: Wonne pu comest to pon cnihten.. þær þu findest seouen houndred (LA3AM. I. 31.). In the two texts of Lazamon the forms ponne and wenne, wane, wonne frequently interchange in the sentence of time, as I. 28. 31. II. 37. 3ure preost Itt awwnepp all, Azz whanne he sinzepp messe 'ORM. 1724.). Anglosax.: Gesette me ânne ândagan hvänne pu ville pät ic for pe gebidde (ExOD. 8, 9.). The sentences with hvänne are often not to be decidedly separated from the indirect sentence.

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The dependent sentence with the original demonstrativo particle extends into the fifteenth century. Old-Engl.: Janne him hungre he gaped wide (WRIGHT A. HALLIW,. Rel. Ant. I. 220.) Than thei were redi for to fare The douke bad al that ther ware, To chirche thai schulde wende (AMIS. A. AMIL 2245.). Than the lordinges schuld forth wende, That riche douke

Cleped to him that tide The tway barouns (109.). Ffor this is the very lombe Of weche John the Baptyst dede prophesy Than this prophesye he dede begynne Seyng "Ecce agnus Dei!" (Cov. MYST. p. 272.). This carfulle lady cried faste, Than she herd this hornes blaste (TORRENT 2123.). Halfsax.: ponne men gað to bedde, pu scalt ford wenden (Lazam. I. 31.). penne pi lif ended per pu scalt resten (II. 298.). Heore lezhe birrp hemm beon Rædis, pann itt iss addledd (ORм. 6234.) All þe werelld toc att Himm Biginning panne het wrohhte (18565.). Anglosax.; ponne ge gehîron mid pam býman blâvan, ponne faron ge on pone munt (EXOD. 19, 13.). ponne hit dagjan volde, ponne tôglâd hit (SAX. CHR. 979.). Ac ponne hi mæst to yfele gedôn häfdon, þonne nam man grið and frið við hî (1011.). Thus Gothic used the particle pan for Star, T, í. This particle gradually gave way to the former, and was early avoided, especially in prose, as by Maundeville, Wycliffe, Chaucer, (in his prose pieces).

Both the above named particles were in the ancient language restricted to the province of the past by tho, Anglosax. pâ, Old-norse pâ, alongside whereof no pann stands, Old- and Middle-Highdutch dô, Lowdutch da.