.

pai be alle fallen dune (ANTICR. 498.). Ye mote abide and thole me Till eftsone y come agé (ALIS. 65. cf. 125. 909. 6096. Richard rod aftyr tyl it was night (RICH. C. DE L. 6803.). Thei scholde not telle that avisioun, til that he were rysen from dethe to lyf (MAUNDEV. p. 114. cf. 189.). Holde of thy cappe. tyl thou have leve hyt on to do (HALLIW., Freemas. 703. cf. 314.). Til we be roten, can we nat be rype (CHACC. C. T. 3873. cf. 3871. 15498. 15513. 15996.). until is more rarely found: That sal men se fnl sone, I trow, And thiself sal noght wit how, Until thou lose al thine honoure (SEUYN SAGES 2839.). The knight gan playnly with hir pas Vntil sho in hir chamber was (3297). In Orm. till is found in the dependent sentence; Layamon knows it not Swa pezz ledenn heore lif Till patt_tezz wærenn alde (ORM. 125.). Fra patt he wass full litell Till patt he waxenn wass (9146. cf. Introd. 3. The latest Anglosax has til in the dependent sentence For he besät heom til hî ajaven up here castles (SAX. CHR. 1140.). The Old Norse preposition til, which is found as a conjunction in the Swed. tills, till dess, Dan. indtil has replaced the Anglosax. preposition ôỡ as well as the corresponding conjunction. Hig vunodon þær. . pät hig gehælde vurdon (Jos. 5, 8.). Hig fôron o hig cômon to Aran (GEN. 11, 31.). But to, unto (that) formerly stood as conjunctions alongside of till, until in the same meaning. Old - Engl.: The kyng there soiourned to he was hoole (ALIS. 5902.). Owtte of cuntré wille Y wende, To Y haue gold and syluer to spende (SIR AMADAS 35.). Had I spoken with any man, To seuyn days war cumen and gane, My hert sold sone haue broken asonder (SEUYN SAGES 3469.). To I have done that I wylle, tylle that it be noyn, That ye lyg stone, stylle to that I have doyn Town. M. p. 105. cf. 26. 30. 40. 52 64 etc.) He schall treuly have my curse, And ever schall have to that I dyze (HALLIW., Nugae P. 20.). So fer bare a woulfe pe hede, & kept it a grete while, Unto pe hede said, here (LANGT. I. 22.). Whom I love and serve, And evere schal, unto myn herte sterve (CHAUC C. T. 1145.). Thay ar gone the same way, Unto God wille herte thare mone (Tows. M. p. 36. cf. 123. 125.) With the interchange of the prepositions til and to this would not be surprising; but even Anglosax takes the lead here: Näs på long to pon pât pâ hild-latan holt ofgefan (BEOV. 5683.).

Besides forto, forte, vorto, vorte, vort, fort that is frequently employed in the same meaning, when we must not think of for to, but of the Anglosax. ford pät, with which is associated the reollection of the construction of ford to and of the use the simple to. Old-Engl: He perced ost and oper vorto he yseg ynou pe kyngys baner of Medes pat ys vncle slou (R. or G I. 216.). De pridde (sc. age) was from Habraham forte Moyses com (I. 9.). pe sixte to pe incarnacion, pat is, forte God was ybore (ib.). Al bernynge hit schut forth forte hit beo i-brend to ende (WRIGHT, POP. Treat. p. 135. cf. 136. 137.). Hy token rest a litel wighith, For-to it were ouer midnightth (ALIS. 5362.). Any foughten . For-to it were almost day (5398.) Fort he come ayen the paleis . There was cri (SEUYN SAGES 1335. He went himself, and send his sond, Wide-whar, into fele lond, Fort that thei any (sc. emperice) founde (237.). In Halfsax. forte, fort and forte pat occur only in the modern text of Layamon: pus ladde Argal his lif forte com his deap-sip (1. 280. cf. I. 324. III. 17.). Resden to pan castle fort him com pe nihte (I. 71.). Mauric verde vorp riht mid preo wise cnihtes forte pat he come to Maximian (II. 55. cf. II. 171) The older text commonly has only pat (See below) Ford pät is presented by the later Anglosax.: And läg dær mid myclum scyp-here for pat se câsere häfde of Baldvine eall pät he volde (SAX. CHR 1049.). Cômon and hergodon and bärndon on Viore ceastrescire foro put hệ còmon to pam porte sylfan (1088.).

The particle that alone also takes the place of till, mostly supported by so longe or so, yet also without this reference. Old-Engl.: So longe he

-

dede ys sacrifise, and pleyde such game pat he hadde a dozter (R. or GL. I 26.). The frere.. tey So longe that he thene wolf i-sey (WRIGHT A. HALLIW., Rel. Ant. II. 278.). So longe criede and bade, That him com from heven rade (ALIS. 6164.). So longe he wente be see and lond, and so enviround the world be many seysons, that he fond an yle (MAUNDEV. p. 183.); where till also otherwise stands: So lony he wente hous by hous, til he Com til an hous (CHAUC., C. T. 7347.). So longe he shalle mynen and perce the erthe til that he schalle passe thorghe (MAUNDEV. p. 267.). Comp. Mod. - Engl. And till we are indemnified, so long Stays Prague in pledge (COLER, Picc. 4, 5) alongside of: He gazed so long That both his eyes were dazzled (TENNYSON p. 193.), where the consecutive passes into the temporal sentence: Twey dayes heo wende in pe se fro pe lond of Grece, So pat he comen to an yle R. OF GL. I. 14.). He strok swithe over all, So that he of-sei ane wal (WRIGHT A. HALLIW., Rel. Ant. II. 274.). So they rideth dale and doune, That heo syghen a cite towne (ALIS. 7524.). - I shal herknen and sitten stille, That thou have told (WRIGHT, Anecd. p. 3.). Dame Siriz bigon to go. . That hoe come hire to then inne (p. 9.). Siweth me thus al acost All that y have Darie y-founde (ALIS. 2144.) In Halfsax. in sentences of time sa longe pat and swa pat, a pat, and as well as pat I take the particle a to be á = ever. Heo færden.. swa longe pat heo to Alamaine comen (LA3AM. I. 117. cf. I. 41.). Swa he ferde mid his here pat he on anne hul bi-com (I. 70.). per inne heo wuneden a pat her com liden ma of heore leoden (I. Alle dæi wes pat fehti (fihte?) a pet com pe pestere niht (I. 323.). Feouwer daies fulle ford ward heo wenden pat heo comen to pon earde (I. 229. pis lond he hire lende pat come hir lifes ende (I. 10. cf. I 76. `II. 173. ÎII. 1. 17. 21. 40.). Anglosax. presents svâ lange ôd, but also the simple pät: þa viðlag se cyng svâ lange ôð pet folc. vears âstyred ongeán pone cyng (SAX. CHR. 1052). And gevendon heom pâ begen eástveard pät hi cômon tô Viht (ib.).

5. The determination of the time to which the main action belongs may be effected by means of a dependent sentence containing an action absolutely preceding or following it; the immediate succession of actions is not conditioned by these dependent sentences themselves. The particles coming here under consideration express by their comparative form a comparison of times.

a. The dependent sentence containing an activity preceding the action of the principal sentence is introduced by after.

The days of Adam, after he had begotten Seth, were eight hundred years (GEN. 5, 4.). "Where's Walter, I wonder!" Said Solomon Gills, after he had carefully put up the chronometer again (DICKENS, Dombey a. S. 1, 4.). A few weeks after this scene occurred, the army of Burgoyne laid down their arms (COOPER, Spy 2.). Thou knowest how her image haunted me Long after we returned to Alcalá (LONGF. I. 146.). It is astonishing how much I like a man after I've fought with him (BULW., Lady of L. 2, 1.)

The corresponding preposition has been employed from the most ancient times to connect sentences. Old-Engl.: At pe laste dyede Brut, po al pis was ydo, Aftur pat he com to Engelond in po four & twentipe zer (R. OF GL. I. 23. cf. 1. 142.). Aftre that he was dryven out of Paradys, he was there left (MAUNDEV. p. 67.). Aftre thei hans layn hem, thei spryngen the blood upon the ydolen (p. 174.). Forth he goth . . Til he cam to the carpenters hous, A litel after the cok had y-crowe (CHAUC., C. T. p. 3355.). Thryes I tempte hym be ryth sotylle instawnce, Aftyr he fast fourty days (Cov. MYST. p. 240.); also: Aftir warde pat he wasshide pe feet of hem, he took his clopes (WYCL., Joh. 13, 12.). In Halfsax. the particle

seems not favoured beside others, as (see pag. 442): in Anglosax. on the other hand it is not common in a temporal as well as in other relations: After pam pe Moises vrât pisse æ gebodu and på gefilde, he bebeád Levies kynne (DEUTER. 31, 24. cf. Gen. 6, 4.). þâ sona after pam pe se cyng vās sûd afaren, feorde se eorl ânre nihte ût of Bebbanburh (SAX. Chr. 1095.). Comp. Goth. Afar patei atgibans varp Joannes, qam Iesus in Galeilaia (MARC. 1, 14.). Here Anglosax. gives syððan.

b. The activity following the action of the principal sentence is introduced by ere (or) or before (afore).

a. The dependent sentence with ere is the older.

The time shall not be many hours of age More than it is, ere foul sin, gathering head, Shall break into corruption (SHAKSP., Rich. II. 5, 1.). Ages elaps'd ere Homer's lamp appear'd (COWPER p. 16.). I felt that he was present Ere mine eye told it me (SHERID, KNOWLES, Virgin. 5, 1.). Ere I depart, permit me to solicit favour for this gentleman (GOLDSM., G. Nat. M. 5.). Pause ere thou rejectest (BYR., Manfr. 2, 1.). Or still belongs to northern dialects: Ther will be broken heads amang us or it's long (SCOTT, R. Roy 30.). A strengthening of the notion of time is given by ever (e'er, ere), (comp. Germ. je), which in this case usually preserves the old form or: 'Twill be Two long days' journey, lords, or ere we meet (SHAKSP., John 4, 3.). I doubt, he will be dead, or ere I come (5, 6.). Long time elaps'd or e'er our rugged sires Complain'd etc. (CowPER p. 164.). He traverses Bohemia; but ere ever He hath once seen the enemy, faces round (COLER., Picc. 1, 12.). With or ere we must not perhaps think of that reduplication ar cer, in which Anglosaxon gives to the word a correlative in the principal sentence. Comp. below. The contraction of afre into ar stands in Lazam. II. 175. In Old-Engl. the forms ar, or, er, zer, as well as ar, ar, eære, ere, here, in Halfsax, are in use for the Anglosax. ar. Heo ne fynede neuer mo, ar po oper ware at gronde (R. or GL. I. 140.). Alisaundre, or he hit wist, In a put doun him cast (ALIS. 716.) Seynt Peter forsoke oure Lord thries, or the cok creew (MAUNDEV. p. 91. cf. CHAUC., C. T. 4239. SKELTON I. 20.) Thu scholdest i-seo wel longe him smyte duntes with thin eye, Er thu shuldest eni dunt i-hure (WRIGHT, Pop. Treat. p. 135.). Ac er that kyng come, Caym shal awake P. PLOUGH. p. 193.). 3er hys terme come to an ende, Hys hure may ful wel amende (HALLIW., Freemas. 175.). Halfsax. pat nolde he ponne faren ar his feo[n]den feie weore (Lazam. I. 28.). þu most swiper fehten er we heonne iwenden (I. 67. cf. 189. 238.). þatt here streon wass Drihhtin leof zet ær itt wære streonedd (ORм. 733.). As to er (or) that, thanne, thenne see p. 391. If we reduce the last combination to the dative pam, pan, pon, it may be granted that the adverbial form ponne, penne, likewise found with the comparative ær even in Anglosax. was subsequently blended with the other form, with which comp. the Middle-Highdutch ê danne beside è daz, Mod. - Highdutch ehe denn, Lat. antequam, priusquam. In Anglosax., as it seems, complete dependent sentences do not present ar ponne, here there stands, beside ar pam (pan, pon) pe, or py (pe) the simple ar: Nu ic eover sceal frum- cyn vitan er ge fyr heonan leáse sceáveras on land Dena furður-fêran (BEov. 308. cf. 5626. (SAX. CHR. 894.). A correlative erst or before is often met with er in Old-Engl. I shal seken Truthe erst Er I se Rome P. PLOUGHM. I. 105.). Fyf hundred zer and

tuenti it was eke bifore, Er pan oure Lord Jhesu Cryst on erpe was ybore R. or GL. I. 40.). Before or thei rcsceyve hem, thei knelen doun (MAUNDEV. p. 83.). Comp. Halfsax. under . and Anglosax. þâ gelamp hit pät se cyng Ädelrêd er fordfêrde ær på scipu cômon (Sax. CHR. 1016. cf. BEOV. 1370. Grein.).

B. Before is not distinguished from ere in the sentence of time; afore, likewise formerly in use, has been abandoned, although still in use in Northern dialects.

That we might sleep seven years together afore we wake (MARLOWE, Jew of M. 4, 4.). Serve it upon him quickly, afore he be aware (BEN JONS., Ev. Man in h. Hum. 4, 9. cf. 1, 1.). Use all your power To stop their marches 'fore we are inflamed (SHAKSP., John 5, 1.). Dialectically: It's no like on yon side, when a chield may be whuppit awa' wi' ane o' Clerk Jobson's warrants, afore he kens where he is (SCOTT, R. Roy 18.), Your son was gone before I came (SHAKSP., Rich. II. 2, 2.). You know what you were before I married you (BEN JONS., Poetast. 2, 1.). Perhaps you will take dinner before you proceed to your chateau (BULW., Lady of L. 1, 2.). You will greatly grieve and offend me if you ever allude to this again before I mention it to you (WARREN, Diary 2, 5.).

aforen, aforn, afore, formerly employed as a preposition, seems not to have been favoured as a conjunction in the literary language of ancient times: biforen, before, on the other hand, was long in use as a conjunction. Old-Engl.: More pan a zerẻ beforn pat he laught pis schame, A douhter was him born (LANGT. II. 243.). Bifore pat Abraham was made, I am (WYCL., Joh 8, 58.). Seynt Poul him self was there a phisicien before he was converted (MAUNDEV. p. 123.). Halfsax.: þatt he sahh himm.. Biforenn patt Filippe toc to clepenn himm to spœche (ORM. 13908. cf. 968), 3ho wass æfre mazdennmann.. Biforr patt zho wipp childe wass (6484. cf. 10380. 12708.). Anglosax. instances are wanting; Gothic gives noir noir by faurpizei, faurpize: Vait atta izvar, þizei paurbup, fourpizai bidjaip ïna Maтн. 6, 8. cf. Luc. 2, 21. 26. JOH. 8, 58.).

7. The dependent sentences introduced with ere and before (afore) often make the idea of time step into the background, in order to indicate the preference of the action contained in the principal sentence over that predicated in the dependent sentence, as, rather than, potius quam.

Had I been any god of power, I would have sunk the sea within the earth, or e'er It should the good ship so have swallow'd (SHAKSP., Temp. 1, 2.). Your mountains shall bend, And your streams ascend, Ere Margaret be our foeman's bride (Scott, L. Minstr. 1, 18.). I'll forswear keeping house, afore I'll be in these tirrits and frights (SHAKSP., II Henry IV. 2, 4.). Her mother dread, Before Lord Cranstoun she should wed, Would see her on her dying bed (SCOTT, L. Minstr. 1, 10.). Believe a woman or an epitaph, Or any other thing that's false, before You trust in critics, who themselves are sore (BYR. p. 312.).

Old-Engl.: Many an hed wolde y cleove, Are y wolde in prison bileve (ALIS. 7702.) And or that thou were fro me refte, Alle thise paynes wold I thole efte And for the dy (Town. M. p. 260.). So too rather or

combined: He wolde agayn for youre love blede, Rather or that ye dampned were (MS. in HALLIW. v. or), as still provincially in MiddleEngland. Halfsax.: Er ich pe slæ mid mine spere ar pu hit sule azen (LAZAM. I. 168.). Forr ar pez wolldenn polenn dæp Wipp alle kinne pine Er pann pezz wolldenn gilltenn ohht Onnzæness Godess wille (Orm. 6316.) Thus in Middle-Highdutch er, é passes for eher and lieber, equally used as adverbs in Mod.-Highdutch. Anglosax.: Er he feorh seled alor on ôfre, ær he pær in ville hafelan [hýdan] (Brov. 1370. Grein).

The Dependent Sentence of the Causal Relation.

The principal may stand to the dependent sentence in such a relation that the subject matter of the one is related to that of the other as cause and consequence. So far now as the dependent sentence contains the cause or the consequence, two series of dependent sentences of the causal relation separate, the former of which comprises the various sentences of the cause, the others those of the consequence. The former comprises the causal sentence in the stricter sense, the conditional sentence and the concessive sentence; the latter, the consecutive sentence and the final sentence.

Dependent Sentence of the Cause.

The Causal Sentence in the stricter Sense.

The cansal sentence, as distinguished from the remaining dependent sentences of this class, represents the cause as real or effective, which may have to be conceived as the real cause and the motive, or as the cause of knowledge and of explanation. The conjunctions coming under consideration are not absolutely separated according to the physical, ethical and logical relations which the dependent sentence can represent.

1. a. The particle that is also first to be mentioned as a causal parparticle, although the boundary between the causal sentence and the case sentence with that is hardly to be drawn with certainty. As a causal particle, that especially denotes the subjective motive or the motive of an action, of an emotion, judgment &c.

Do not smile at me, that I boast her off (SHAKSP., Temp. 4, 1.). We just as wisely might of Heav'n complain That righteous Abel was destroy'd by Cain (POPE, Essay on M. 4, 117.). He does hear me; and that he does I weep (SHAKSP., Temp. 1, 2.). Oh! weep not that he does that our beauty wears Beneath the wings of Time (R. MONTGOMERY, Lost Feelings). My soul is full of woe, That blood should sprinkle me, to make me grow (SHAKSP., Rich. II. 5, 6.). I am right glad that he's so out of hope (Temp. 3, 3.). I am heartily sorry that he'll be glad of this (All's Well 4, 3.). Cursed be I that I did so (Temp. 1, 2.). I now felt satisfied that she was speaking of herself (WARREN, Diary 2, 5.). I rather flatter myself that I do hunt BOURCICAULT,)