Such has been tye perplexing ingenuity of commentators that it is difficult to extricate the truth from the web of conjectures (IRVING, Columb. 1, 1.). His misery was such that none of the bystanders could refrain from weeping (MACAUL., Hist. of E. II. 193).

I am not in that collected mood at present, That I could listen to them quietly COLER., Picc. 3, 1.). At this climax of the chapter of accidents, the remaining eight-and-twenty vociferate to that degree, that a pack of wolves would be music to them (DICKENS, Pict. fr. It., A Rapid Diorama).

Sentences of this sort may, on the one haud, pass into final sentences (See Vol. II. 1. p. 127), but on the other, appear as mere explanatory sentences, referring more to the manner indicated by the demonstrative correlative than to the intensity of an operative action, as is the case in the form, frequent in Old-Engl. all be it so that, all were it so that. Comp. Anglosax.: Ic purhvunode on pam munte XL daga and XL nihta svâ pät ic ne ät nê ne dranc (DEUTER. 9, 9.).

The reference of the sentence with that to similar correlatives pervades all periods of the language. Old-Engl.: Er he be two i-veid pat he falle defle to honde (WRIGHT A. HALLIW., Řel. Ant. I. 131.). pe Saxons anon so god were pat pe opere bigonne to fle echone (R. OF GL. I. 114.). Men doo us so grete peynes, That we may neyther sit ne lyen (RICH. C. DE L. 3333.). And setten it on his heved, so faste and so sore that the blood ran down (MAUNDEV. p. 13.). Hire overlippe wypud sche so clene, That in hire cuppe was no ferthing sene Of grees (CHAUC., C. T. 133.). Now fell it so that fortune lust no lenger The high pripe of Nero to cherice (16005.). Nou fill it thus, that to the parish chirche.. This gode wyf went (3307.) Afingret so that he ves wod (WRIGHT, A. HALLIW., Rel. Ant. II. 277.). pe Brytones aryse faste, so pat, porw Godes grace, Heo hadde pe maistry of pe feld (R. or GL. I. 50.). As an appel the urthe is round, so that evere mo Half the urthe the sonne bi-schyneth (WRIGHT, Pop. Treat. p. 132.).

We fond it more noble . than ever we herde speke offe; in so moche, that we wolde never han leved it, had wee not seen it (MAUNDEV. p. 221.). Halfsax.: He was swa feir mon pat wifmen hine luueden (Lazam. I. 297.). pes ilke Enmaunus heold his kinelond pus pat nas na pein in pissen londe pat nalde hine fæin slæ mid his honden (I. 293.). Of him was muchel speche zeond pas world riche swa pat al dis mon-cun pat of him iherden tellen, seiden pat he wes god (I. 299.). Anglosax.: Nys hyt sva steare vinter pät ic_durre lûtjan at hâm (THORPE, Aual. p. 102.). God ys svá mihtig, pät he mag of pysum stânum âveccean Abrahames bearn (MATH. 3, 9.). He hine hælde svâ pät he spräc and geseah (12, 22.). pâ vundredon hî ealle svâ pät hî betvux him cvædon: Hvât is pis? (MARC. 1, 27.). Häfde se cyning his fyrd on tu tônumen, svâ pät hie væron symle healfe ät ham (SAX. CHR. 894.). ·

Old-Engl.: Swylke strokes they hem geve, That helm and bacynet al_toreve, That on the schuldre fel the brayn (RICH. C. DE L. 4525.). Heo schulle be such, pat no prince dorre hem forsake (R. Oв GL. I. 112.). And the custom there is such, that men and wommen gon alle naked (MAUNDEV. p. 178. cf. 245. 285.). Halfsax.: Witt sindenn off swillc elde nu patt witt ne muzhenn tæmenn (ORм., 201.). Anglosax.: Hvanon cymo him svile gepanc pat hig ondrêdon me (DEUTER. 5, 29.). Svele väs peáv hira pät hie aghvylene ellpeodigra dydon him tô môse mete pearfendum (ANDR. 25. cf. 28.).

Old-Engl.: Thei ben of that kynde, that if thei beholden any man with wratthe, thei slen him anon (MAUNDEV. p. 285.). God graunt me that grace that I mag it se (WRIGHT A. HALLIW., Rel. Ant. I. 322.). In Anglosax. the support of the consecutive sentence by the demonstrative is found in the

combination tô pam (pon) pät, päs (tô päs) pät: Mîn heorte and mîn môd me forlêton tô päm pät ic me nyste nænne ræd (Ps. 39, 14.). Gif mon sŷ on pâ härðan tô pam svîde gevundod, pät he ne mæge gestrýnan, gebête pät mid LXXX scill. (LEGG. ELER. B. 40.). Väs him se mon tó pon leóf, pät he pone breóst-vylm forberan ne mihte (Bɛov. 3757.). Nymoe hvylc pas snottor in sefan veorde, pät he âna mæge ealle geriman stânas on eorðan (CEDM. 3367.). Ac hvät vilt pu þær on dôm-däge dryhtne secgan, ponne ne bio nænig tô pas lytel lid on lime geveaxen, pät pu ne scyle for æghvyle ânra on sundran ryht âgieldan? (COD. EXON. 372, 18.). Comp. the Final Sentence 3.

3. In the consecutive sentence we frequently find the particle that interehanged with as after the correlatives so and such, so that the modal sentence contains the action which is to be regarded as an effect or consequence.

Great wealth and honour long we have enjoyed, So as we cannot seeme with gredie mindes To wishe for change of prince (FERREX A. PORR. 1, 2.), By seeing me from Princes royall state Thus busely brought into so great contempt, As mine owne sonnes repine to heere my plaint (GASCOYGNE, Jocasta 1, 1.), Then the peril of our curses light on thee, So heavy, as thou shalt not shake them off (SHAKSP., John 3, 1. cf. Taming 3, 2.). Be thou so precise As they may think it done of holiness (MARLOWE, Jew of M. 1, 2.). I call'd him home, and taught him So much, as I have made him my cashier (BEN JONS., Ev. Man in h. Hum. 2, 1. cf. Sejan. 1, 1.). My request will come recommended in so strong a manner, as, I believe, you'll have no scruple (GOLDSM., G. Nat. M. 3.). While Fiesco was taking these important steps, he preserved so admirably his usual appearance of being devoted entirely to pleasure and amusement, as imposed not only to the generous mind of Andrew, but deceived Gianettino (ROBERTSON, Charles V.). If we conclude a peace; It shall be with such strict and severe covenants As little shall the Frenchmen gain thereby (SHAKSP., I Henry VI. 5, 4.). Thou hast . . given unto the house of York such head, As thou shalt reign but by their sufferance (III Henry VI. 1, 1.). I will not open my lips so wide as a bristle may enter (Twelfth N. 1, 5.). I'll give him such a warning ere he goes As he shall have small hopes of Abigail (MARLOWE, Jew of M. 2, 2. cf. 3, 1.). Though number'd such As each divided legion might have seem'd A numerous host (MILT. P. L. 6, 229.). Dost thou know. . That I can place thee in such abject state, As help shall never find thee? (ROWE, J. Shore 4, 1.).

This combination, which begins to disappear, answers to the abbreviation of the period into a sentence in which the infinitive with as to follows so. See p. 44. It rests upon a few connections of the sentence of comparison, of which we shall speak when we come to the modal sentence (1. a. and d.) and touches the cases to be there cited. But, however frequently as stands, even in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, where the consecutive that is expected, this usage does not go further back into Old-English. The combination of as that in the dependent Sentence, which is subsequently attempted in this case, may be considered a periphrasis approximated to as to with the infinitive: Man cannot so far know the connexion of causes and events as that he may venture to do wrong in order to do right (JOHNSON). Is there such a depravity in man, as that

he should injure another without benefit to himself? (ID. in Wagner Gr. p. 379.). This juxtaposition does not agree with the older one of as that (See p. 397), but represents a contraction of two dependent sentences, of the modal and consecutive sentence.

4. As to how far the dependent sentence with but may be substituted for a negative consequence see p. 463.

The Final Sentence.

The final sentence serves to denote an intended consequence or effect, which is the purpose of the main action.

1. It is introduced by that, which appears partly alone, partly supported by a preparatory determination.

a. that standing alone is uncommonly frequent in affirmative and negative dependent sentences: in the modern language may commonly appears in the dependent sentence. See Vol. II. 1.

p. 127. Thy bastard shall be king; That thou may'st be a queen (SHAKSP., John 2, 1.). Satan hath desired to have you, that he may sift you as wheat (LUKE 22, 31.). Who art thou? that we may give an answer to them that sent us JOHN 1, 22.) Quick, that all France may share your joy (BULW., Richel 3, 3.). That I may give thee life indeed, I'll waste no longer time with thee (SHERID. KNOWLES, Virgin. 5, 3.). Constantius has separated his forces, that he might divide the attention and resistance of the enemy (GIBBON, Decl. 9.). I came, that Marco might not come (LEIGH HUNT, Leg. of Flor. 5, 1.).

Old-Engl.: Be zee mekid undur the myty hond of God, that he henhaunce you (WRIGHT A. HALLIW., Rel. Ant. II. 44). God sente not his sone into pe worlde pat he iuge pe worlde (WYCL., John 3, 17.). Thei don awey the left pappe that thei may the better beren a scheeld (MAUNDEV. p. 154.). He bihet hem pe best lawes To be hys helpe azen hys fon, pat he nere ybrozt to grounde (R. OF GL. II. 386.). Hyinge that thei weren with her spouse Crist (WRIGHT A. HALLIW., Rel. Ant. II. 50.). Halfsax.: Godd itt haffde lokedd swa patt Sannt Johan Bapptisste Þatt time shollde streonedd ben . . patt hise frend mihhtenn off himm All pess te mare blissenn, And tatt te folle all pess te bett Hiss lare shollde follzhenn (ORM. 439.). Anglosax.: Hvät dô ic pätt ic êce lif âge? (MARC. 10, 17.). Gao fromlice pät ge gûofreán gylp forbegan! (ANDR. 1333.) Hvat eart pu? pät ve andvyrde bringon pâm pe us tô þe sendon (Joн. 1, 22.). Hvî ne sealde heó þâs sealfe við þrym hundred penegon, pät man mihte syllan pearfum? (12, 5.).

b. Sentences with so that pass into final sentences if a tendency is expressed in the principal sentence.

I inquired, shifting my chair, so that I might obtain a distincter view of her features (WARREN, Diary 2, 5.). Comp. Vol. II. 1. p. 126.

:

Halfsax. pe deofell badd himm maakenn bræd. . Swa patt he shollde purrh pe bræd Fallenn i gluternesse (ORM. 11629.).

c. The modern language frequently combines that with in order by which the purpose or end is more particularly indicated, as formerly often by to the end, to this end, and the like.

I should be glad to fix what has brought us to Bath, in order Mätzner, engl. Gr. II. 2.

31

that we may lie a little consistently (SHERID., Riv. 2, 1.). He now ordered the doors to be thrown open, in order that all who came to pay their duty might see the ceremony (MACAUL., Hist. of E. II. 43.). To see operations of his mind.. suddenly pulled to pieces, in order that he might gain the superfluous knowledge of what they were, and what they were called, was to him tiresome and frivolous (LEWES, G. I. 48.). Now to the ende this blinde outragious sire Should reape no joy of his vnnaturall fruite, His wretched sonnes. . Adiudge their father to perpetuall prison (GASCOYGNE, Jocasta 1, 1.) To this end was I born, and for this cause came I into the world, that I should bear witness unto the truth (JOHN 18, 37.). In the last case the dependent sentence is more closely supported by the demonstrative determination.

To the (that, such) ende and entent were formerly often prefixed preparatively to the dependent sentence. Old-Engl.: He.. wolde suffre for us.. to that ende and entent, that his passioun and his dethe.. myghte ben knowen evenly to alle the parties of the world (MAUNDEV. p. 2.). He may telle it if him lyke; to that entent, that tho that wole go by that weye. mowen knowen what weye is there (p. 130. cf. 170. 241. to suche entent that p. 53). I schalle schewe how zee schulle knowe and preve to the end that zee schulle not ben disceyved (p. 51. cf. 160.). d. As purpose and cause touch each other, if the cause of the action is the very end to be attained, for that may also introduce the dependent sentence of the purpose. The subject matter of the dependent sentence must in this case have to be removed to the time which follows the main action. In modern English for that is commonly limited to the idea of the cause. Comp. however:

For that our kingdom's earth should not be soil'd. . And for our eyes do hate the dire aspect. . Therefore we banish you our territories SHAKSP., Rich. II. 1, 3.).

Thus for that not rarely stands in olden times where the final meaning likewise belonging to the Anglosax: for pam (pan,) pon) pät and for pŷ pät, is close at hand. Old-Engl.: Hir chaar.. This grete Romayn, this Aurilian, Hath with him lad, for that men schulde se (Chauc., C. T. 15846.). Sche saide sche dede hit for non arm But for he sscholde his bones warm (SELYN SAGES 1779). þat he duden al for pon þat scuððen [seoððen ?] sculden moni mon, pennen pe king weoren dæd, demen of his weorken (La3AM. I. 303.). Anglosax.: Manegum men bio eác forgifene for pam pâs voruld gesælda pat hi scyle pam gódum leánjan hiora god, and pam yflum hiora yfel (BOETH. 39, 12.). Ic pe fette for pi pät pu mîne find virigdest (Núm. 23, 11.). See Vol. II. i. 127. A final sentence is otherwise introduced by tô pam pät, tô pŷ pät. Comp. Ps. 2, 6. HOMIL. I. 108.

A-S.

2. The negative final sentence chiefly takes the particle lest (formerly also least, last), quominus, ne.

I read thee soone retyre, whiles thou hast might, Least afterwards it be too late to take thy flyght (SPENS. F. Qu. 3, 4, 14. cf. 34.). O, lady, weep no more, lest I give cause to be suspected of more tenderness Than doth become a man (SHAKS., Cymb. 1, 2.). Ye shall not eat of it, neither shall ye touch it, lest ye die

(GEN. 3, 2.). Our psychology is in so chaotic a condition, that I dare not employ its language. . lest it mislead (LEWES, G. I. 65.). Climb we not too high Lest we should fall too low (COLER., Wallenstein 1, 4.). Haste, hide thyself, lest with avenging looks My brothers' ghost should hunt thee from thy seat! (SHELLEY, Cenci 1, 3.). As to how this final sentence may take the place of a sentence of the object see p. 415. Old-Engl.: Þe kyng Arture hii radde anon, to London vorte wende. Leste such poer come up hym (R. OF GL. I. 169.). Theves he schal herberon never won Lest hyt wolde turne the craft to schame (HALLIW., Freemas. 181 cf. 326. 749.). Speed the fast, Lest that our neygheboures the aspye (CHAUC., C. T. 3726. cf. 7483. 15827.). The rejection of the pronominal pý (pî, pê) before läs (pe), which was as essential to the particle as the quo (ut eo) to the Lat. quominus, at the same time constituting the bond between the principal and the dependent sentence, is old, like theadded final te, t. Halfsax.: Nis pe non neod to bringen mid pe muchel genge, leste ure Bruttes æft beon abolzen (Lazam. II. 207. cf. I. 283. II. 624. IJI. 33). Ne durste per na cniht to ufele ræcchen na wiht leoste he sculden leosen his leomen (III. 16.). Lest stands III. 29. Anglosax.: God bebeád ús pät ve ne æton nê ve pät treóv ne hrêodon pý läs pe ve svulton (GEN. 3, 2.). Arîs Drihten, pý läs se yfel-villenda mage dôn pät he ville (Ps. 19, 15.). See II. p. 128. The negative notion lies in las, which seems originally to soften the latter as if the the main action aimed only at the weakening of another. But in fact the dependent sentence with lest takes the place of the negative with that. Comp. Anglosax.: God him sealde tâen, pät nân pœra pe hine gemette hine ne ofslôge (GEN. 4, 15.). Mod.-Engl.: The Lord set a mark upon Cain, lest any finding him should kill him (ib.).

The Modal Sentence.

The modal sentence contains in general the determination of the mode and manner in which the main action is accomplished. It furnishes a measure over against the main sentence, and is therefore always a comparative sentence, which makes the activity of another subject, or another activity of the same subject, avail as a comparison.

Both quality and quantity and degree may be determined by the dependent sentence, and the relation taking place in these references between the principal and the dependent sentence may be that of equality or of inequality, to which this dependent sentence is subject; since the recurrence of the same members, often requisite with the complete period in the principal and dependent sentence, was early esteemed heavy and superfluous, and has led to the freer connection both of incomplete and complete dependent sentences, whereby formally grammatical correctness has suffered more than elsewhere.

1. If the principal stands to the dependent sentence in the relation of equality, or of assimilation as similarity, the cases are to be distinguished in which correlative particles in the principal as well as the dependent sentence are the medium for the relation, and those in which the particle of comparison is only given to the dependent sentence. Modern-English has, in the former, various