x in poetry: participles are, however, familiar to prose: Falstaff, Of the Lords temporal (Rich. II. 4, 1.). Those armies bright If an adverb precedes the attribute, its transposition is - The postposition of the adjective in similar cases goes back to the (SKELTON I. 6.). In time coming (CHAUC., C. T. p. 107. II.). In þe Instances of adjectives following with a more particular determination are not wanting.). Old-Engl.: Ich wille geve thi gift ful stark (WRIGHT, Anecd. p. 8.). With scrite & oth fulle stark (LANGT. II. 237.). In a toumbe wele wrough (II. 341.). Maidnes shene so bon (WRIGHT A. HALLIW., Rel. Ant. I. 123.). Lovedi ful of hovene blisse (I 102.) The knyght gentyll of blode (SIR CLEGES 60.). etc. Halfsax. Sceld swive godne (LA3AM III. 44.). Enne gære swive stronge (III. 24.). Anglosax.: He viste sum ealand synderlice digle (GUTHLAC 3.). pam pe ealra is drihtna drihten dadum spedigast (Ps. 135, 3.). be us bôc âvrât.. leohtre be dæle poune Basilius (BASIL., Admon. Prol.). 2. If more than one adjective serve to determine a substantive in the relation of inordination or of coordination, the same points of view in general govern as with the single adjective. a. The adjectives namely, even with an adverbial determination, A sharp keen wind (DICKENS., Americ Notes 2.). The same Old-Engl. He is more myghty and grettre Lord (MAUNDEV. p. 42.). b. or they may all follow, when another determination may Gods partial, changeful, passionate, unjust (POPE, Essay on Old-Engl Thine children, smale and grete (WRight a. Halliw., Rel. Ant. II. 275.). In the name of God glorious and almyghty (Maundev. p. 6.). Anglosax.: Ealra pinga, gesevenlicra and ungesevenlicra (THORPE, Anal. p. 59.) See p. 288. c. or they are ranged about the substantive. Free speech and fearless (SHAKSP., Rich. II. 1, 1.). Full of great rooms and small (TENNYS. p. 115. A strange spectacle and a sacred (BULW, Rienzi 3, 2.). Old-Engl. Leve sone dere (WRIGHT A. HALLIW., Rel. Ant. I. 188.). A yong knyght, jolif and kene (ALIS. 2716.). Yonge knightes proude (CHAUC. C. T. 2600.). A wis child and a fair (SEUYN SAGES 283.). Halfsax. God preost and God full oweme (ÓRM. 118.). Grovende gärs and sæd vircende (GEN. 1, 11.). Further see p. 258. C. The adnominal substantive (and partly the pronoun) appears. 1. in the genitive, which in the modern language always precedes its word of reference. See p. 291. 2. in prepositional members, which are in general attached to the substantive notion. Inversions and separations of them from their word of reference sometimes occur as with other combinations of prepositional members. We especially remark the inversion, partly familiar in prose, of the member introduced by of in a qualitative and partitive meaning Polibus, of Corinth king (GASCOYGNE, Jocasta 1, 1.). Of incense clouds (MILT., P. L. 7, 599. Of all thy sons The weal or woe (8, 637). Of human ills the last extreme beware (Young, N. Th. 1, 387.). The waves efface Of staves and sandall'd feet the trace (SCOTT, Marm. 2, 9.). Of middle air the demons proud (3, 22.). Minors, of their sires in dread (CRABBE, The Borough 6.). In the partitive relation this is common to prose with poetry. Of Scotland's stubborn barons none Would march (SCOTT, L. Minstr. 4, 8.). While of the cured we not a man can trace (CRABBE, The Borough 7.). Of fuel they had plenty (SCOTT, Monast. 1.). Of their number . not one-sixth could be deemed men-at-arms (BULW., Rienzi 5, 3.). Thus too the relative pronouns which and whom in combination with of, when their word of reference is not a case accompanied by a preposition or, mostly, not however without exception, if it is an indeterminate pronoun or numeral, like some, all, each, one both, most etc., may be placed before the word of reference, while the reverse position is also used. The former happens with regard to the conjunctional nature of the relative combining the sentences, the other in regard to the relation of government. The cases coming under consideration are the dependence of the relative from the subject or object of the sentence. Why should we endeavour to attain that, of which the possession cannot be secured? (JOINS.). He could observe their ordinary accompaniments, portcullis and drawbridge of which the first was lowered, and the last raised (SCOTT, Qu. Durw. 3.). Borne on the air of which I am the prince (BYRON, Cain 2, 1.). The bodiless thought? the Spirit of each spot? Of which, even now, I share at times the immortal lot (CH. HAR. 3, 74.). The art of reading that book of which Eternal Wisdom obliges every human creature to present his or her own page (DICKENS, Hunted Down 1.). Two children.. of whom one only.. will come much across us in the course of our history (TROLLOPE, Framl. Parson. 1, 10.), beside: I had two elder brothers, one of which was lieutenant-colonel (DE FOE, Robins. Cr. p. 1.). Five sons all of whom died young (Lake, Life of Byron). Of those better qualities, the possession of which in our persons inspires our humble self-respect (DICKENS, M. Chuzzlew. 1, 2.). The Inversion of the prepositional member, answering to the position of a genitive, early occurs. Old-Engl.: po he hadde . . Yslawe of pis maydenes pat swete companie (R. OF GL I. 96.). He.. kneow in the sterre Of alle this kynges theo grete weore (ALIS. 113.). Of chyvalry the flour (CHAUC., CT. 3061.). Of Palmire the queene (15733.). Of the orient conquerour (16179.). Of fatte weperes an hundred pousand (R. OF GL 1. 52.). Halfsax.: Of Rome he wes legat and of pan hirede prelat (LAAM. II 607.). In the partitive sense there stands in Anglosax.: Slôh of his mannon mycelne dæl (SAX. CHR. 1087.). The precedence of a relative pronoun with of, referred to the subject or object of the sentence in the meaning of an adnominal genitive, belongs to olden times. Old-Engl.: Of ten pinges.. Of whilk sum byfor þat day sal be (THE PRICKE OF CONSC. 3986.). Of al men.. Of wilk som sal be demed, and som noght (3988). 3if zee been out of disciplyne of the whiche alle gode men ben maad perceveris (Wright A. HALLIW., Rel. Ant. II. 43.). Of the whiche the cause was etc. (II. 52.). His hous, of which the dores were fast i-shitte (CHAUC., C. T. p. 150. II.). 4 wyfes of the whiche on dwellethe at Jerusalem (MAUNDEV. p. 38.). The grete tour of Babel . of the whiche the walles weren 64 furlonges of heighthe (p. 40. cf. 41.). A juyce of the whiche the serpentes and the venymous bestes haten and dreden the savour (p. 169.). A 200 or 300 persones of the whiche thei bringen the bodyes before the ydole (p. 176.). This seems in general to be in the usage first prevalent with every subject and object: which is only departed from with a prepositional substantive, since the relative could not, like whose and the Latin cujus, quorum, quarum, be put between the preposition and the cases belonging thereto. And saugh an hond. . For fere of which he quook (CHAUC, C. T. 156 9.). Or may we even assume this insertion in sentences like: In swich licour, Of which vertue engendred is the flour (3.). D. The position of the appositive member is evident from what has been said upon the syntactical import and the consequent capacity of this member for transposition. IV. The Collocation of Sentences. A. The Collocation of Sentences attached to one another in the relation of Coordination is conditioned by the nature of the series of thoughts, which, in this mode of joining sentences, is in part able to go freely. Where an attached sentence (or, in the abbreviation of sentences, a member) is measured by the conjunction according to a logical category, as that of the cause or the consequence, there can no longer be a question of a transposition of the judgments contained in the sentences, because the particle would be itself useless. Otherwise, and especially in sentences following each other asyndetically, it is only a question of the preservation of the clearness of the succession or of their internal relation. The measure for the succession of sentences in each case is given by their applicability, pointed out in the syntax, in the concatenation of definite series of thoughts. If the copulatives then coming into use have in general their place in the front of sentences, abverbial particles, such as else, then, nevertheless, therefore etc. may also take another place, being in this respect equivalent to other adverbs. The B. In the relation of the subordination of the dependent sentence to an absolute or relative principal sentence there results, for the period in the stricter sense, the possibility of a different attachment or insertion of the member developed into a sentence. analogy of the substantive sentence, adverbial sentence and adjective sentence with the parts of speech by which we name them assigns to them that place in the sentence which would each time belong to them in the simple sentence; but they also share in a full measure the inversion departing from the commonest collocation. With the exception, therefore, of the adjective sentence in the narrower sense, which appears only as an intermediate sentence or after the principal sentence, every other dependent sentence, although in a different measure, finds place before, within or after the principal sentence. We have already mentioned the order of the period in different relations. See p. 379. Instances and indications as to the principle of the succession of sentences are moreover presented by individual dependent sentences. A general survey of the whole domain would here be in its place. 1. The substantive sentence generally, whether with or without support from a grammatical subject or object, takes a place after the principal sentence Yet it is not rarely found, both as a subject and object, at the commencement of the period, in the latter case, in analogy with the inversion of the substantive. That he never will is sure (MILT., P. L. 2, 154.). That he deserved a better fate was not questioned by any reasonable man (HUME, Hist. of E. 57.). That he had inherited his organization and tendencies from his forefathers he has told us in these (LEWES, G. I. 6.). Whether decline has thinn'd my hair, I'm sure I neither know nor care (TH. MOORE p. 4.). What this may be I know not (TENNYSON p. 108.). Whatever is capricious and odd, is sure to create diversion etc. (SHAFTESBURY, Char. III. 5.). Who sent thee there requires thee here (BYRON, Manfr. 2, 4.). The sentences coming under consideration are partly sentences with that, partly in direct interrogative sentences, and frequently adjective sentences used substantively. Their postposition is presented by numerous instances of the categories cited; likewise their insertion attached to a single notion, as a substantive. This collocation, to be denoted as an inversion with the sentence of the object, occured formerly also. Old-Engl.: That Jesu hem helped it was wel sene (RICH. C. DE L. 4551.). That I am dronke I knowe wel (CHAUC, C. T. 3140.). That I am teewe, sone xalt thou se (Cov. MYST. p. 25). That I wer ded I wer ful fayn (RICH. C. DE L. 954.). Wheder he be rysen and gane Yet we ne knaw (Town. M. p. 274.). Whether that it was, as us semede, I wot nere (MAUNDEV. p. 283.). Who so wil have sapience, schal no man disprayse (CHAUC., C. T. p. 153. I.). That he askith we wol him sende (ALIS. 3035.). I have not found the dependent sentence with pät in the most ancient times. That of the indirect interrogative sentence is rare. Anglosax Gif he synful is, pät ic nât (JOH. 9, 25.). The generalizing substantive relative sentence, on the other hand, often occurs at the commencement of the period. Halfsax.: Wa swa wulle libba alde pas sibba (LAAM. I. 155.). Anglosax.: Svà hvät svät svâ man hafð he sylo for his life (JOB in Ettm. 5, 14.). 2. The adverbial sentence, like the adverb itself, is most capable of taking each of the three possible positions in the period. Dependent sentences of the determinations of place, and of time, of the cause, the condition and of concession shew themselves most pliant in this respect, and they stand at the command of the changing necessities of speech as protases, intermediate sentences and sentences of the consequence. The doctrine of the period affords explanation in detail, as the pre |