to die (YOUNG, N. Th. 5, 649.). I sought him out, To press him to accept another charger (COLER., Picc. 1, 3.). I told him to open the door to surprise you (MARRYAT, P. Simple 1, 1.). Of schemes and projects, she was too soft to desire to know (BULW., Rienzi 3, 3.). Lord Lufton wants me to learn to ride (TROLL., Framl. Parson. 1, 13). Thus too, incidentally, pure infinitives follow each other immediately: I will go seek her (LONGF. I. 198.).

A similar succession is not foreign to the ancient tongue. Old-Engl.: And bad hem alle be bown . . To wenden with hem to Westmynstre To witnesse this dede (P. PLOUGHм. p. 37.). Ches rather for to deye, than to assente To ben opprossed of hir maydenhede (CHAUC., C. T. 11696.). _Halfsax: Fundede to uarenne wid Passent to fehten (Lazam. II. 325.). To cumenn inntill 3errsalæm To servenn i þe temmple (ÒRM. 505.). In Anglosaxon especially I have not met with the immediate succession of such prepositional infinitives; the succession of pure infinitives is not uncommon. Old-Engl.: Go byd these kynges com speke with me (Town. M. p. 127.). Halfsax.: Ne purue pa cnihtes. buten [buten] biwiten pat castelzat & careless liggen slapen (LAZAM II. 358. sq.). Anglosax,: He hêt bire syllan etan (Luc. 8, 55.) Nu ge môton gangan.. Hrôðgar geseón (BEov. 795.). The infinitive seldom meets with till, instead of to, in the ancient language: We wenyd tille have bene ded therfor (Town. M. p. 322.). The interchange of to with till is mentioned at p. 313. II. 1. Comp. also the infinitive with for to, at the end.

The Prepositional Infinitive with for to.

The preposition for is early prefixed to the infinitive with to, and that too in all its grammatical relations. This juxtaposition of prepositions, which is analogous to the Danish and Swedish for at with the infinitive, was originally a strengthening of the infinitive with to, after this had been itself weakened, and frequently treated like a pure infinitive. The notion of destination and of purpose manifestly originally belonged to the infinitve with for to, so that it is to be compared with the Romance infinitive with Fr. por, pour, Ital. per, Span. por; but it exactly agrees with the Old-Provencal and ÔldFrench Infinitive with por a, of which Diez (Romance Gr.) gives instances. Comp. Por luy a vengier (Serm. de S. Bern. 523.), where the collocation of words also occurs which we often meet with in ancient times. Comp. Halfsax. Forr pe to zifenn bisne (ORM. 1239.). Forr uss to clennsenn (1384.). Forr swa to winnenn blisse (896.). And as the a is usually absent in Provencal and Old-French, so too here and there in Halfsaxon for alone occurs with the infinitive: Corineus was to wode ivare for hunti deor wilde (LA3AM. I. 60. modern text). For habbe alle pe heahte (I. 94. modern text). Ich æm icumen pe pus næh for muchelere neode, for suggen pe tidende (II. 131. ancient text). See under 1. But the specific meaning of for to, as well as that of to, also early stepped into the background, and was treated just like the infinitive with to.

In Modern-English its use is disappearing and has fallen to the lot of the vulgar speech. But it is still to be met with in the seventeenth century, especially in the written language, and in its decease. mostly appears in its pregnant meaning.

1. We therefore find it the most often where it indicates a purpose.

And all countries came into Egypt to Joseph for to buy corn (GEN. 41, 57.). There went out some of the people on the seventh day for to gather (ExOD. 16, 27.). He carried away all his cattle

for to go to Isaac his father (GEN. 31, 18.). And in very deed for this cause have I raised thee up, for to shew in thee my power (EXOD. 9, 16.). Set men by it for to keep them (JOSH. 10, 18.). In: I will ensure you. . five hundred pounds for to save my life (SCOTT, Heart of Mid Loth. 7.) we may think of the idea of an equivalent.

This employment of the infinitive with for to, which extended to all cases in which the notion of a purpose, or a final sentence, was applicable, reaches back to the Anglosaxon. It attaches itself to verbs of motion and to sentences of every kind: Thou most to Jurselem oure mete for to bugge (WRIGHT A. HALLIW., Rel. Ant. I. 144.). They went to chirch, Godes service for to werch (SIR CLEGES 163.). Thus he asaied the regiouns That him cam for to asaile (ALIS. 82.). And rideth swithe so foul may fleon, Alisaundres ost for to y-seon (1982.). Many fled to Lynday, socour forto haue (LANGT. I. 14.). Poru Englische and Saxones pat hider were y brought poru Brutones forto helpe hem (R. or GL. I. 3.). De kyng Wyllam, vorto wyte pe wurp of lond, Let enquery streytlyche poru al Engelond (II. 373.). Pilgrymes and palmeres Plighten hem togedere For to seken seint Jame (P. PLOUGHм. p. 4.). Thei zeven the pilgrimes of here vitaylle, for to passe with the desertes (MAUNDEV. p. 63.). Melechemader, the whiche his brother let sle prevyly for to have the lordschipe (p. 38). The idea of the equivalent is awakened by: Bihot twenty mark som leuedi O night for to ligge me bi (SELYN SAGES 1589.). Halfsax: Locrin & Camber to pon scipen comen for to habben al pa æhte (LAAM. I. 94.). De wes pudere icumen for to i-seon pare cnihte gomen (I 346.). 3ede he till Godess allter, For þær to peowwtenn Drihhtin Godd (ORм. 138.). For to uæstnen pa luuen of leofuen heore uæderen to-somne me heom tæhte, to-somne me heom tuhte (LAZAM. III. 207.). þe king me bi-tahte pis ard for to beon his stiward (II. 138.). Himm wass ec patt name sett Forr mikell þing to tacnenn (Orм' 735. cf. 412. 896. 1005. 1080. 1239. 1384. and often). In Anglosaxon for tô with the infinitive is only found in this sense, although rarely and in later times: Oc se kyng hit dyde for tô hauene sibbe of se eorl of Angeov and for helpe to hauene tôgænes his neve Villelm (SAX. CHR. 1127.). The influence of Old-French seems here undeniable. The wide extension of the usage, even in Orm, is however a striking phaenomenon, reminding one of the Scandinavian tendency to use for with the Infinitive with at. 2. Furthest removed from the original usage is the application of this infinitive in the grammatical meaning of a subject and object in the sentence, of which Modern-English still presents instances.

Therefore 'tis good and meet for to be wise (MARL., I Tamburl. 1, 1.). Shame unto thy stock That dar'st presume thy sovereign for to mock (ib.). It is associated with the accusative like any other infinitive: You make me for to laugh (GOLDSM., She Stoops 3.).

As against such remnants this infinitive commonly stands in Old-English in the place of the_grammatical and logical subject and of a predicative nominative: For to don synne is mannysh, but certes for to persevere longe in synne is werk of the devyl (CHAUC., C. T. p. 157. I.). He nyste whether hym was moost fayn, For to fyghte or turne agayn (RICH. C. DE L. 5299.). Scheome hem thoughte for to fleon (ALIS. 3682.). It

com hym thorugh a vysyoun Into Yngelond for to goo (RICH. C. de L. 118). It were gret vilani, by Scyn Jon, A liggeand man for to slon (Amis A. AMIL 1336.). It is your fortune for to haue that grace SKELTON I. 26.). Avarice is for to purchase many erthely thinges (CHAUC., C. T. p. 202. I.). In Halfsaxon we meet the infinitive with for to in the place of the subject, even interchanged with that accompanied by to: Betere pe is freondscipe to habben pene for to fihten (LazaM. III. 41.).

It is frequently met with as the object of a verbal notion: Wat penkestow for to do? (R. or GL. I. 24.) He willede, for foul lecheri, pis mayde forte spouse (I. 19.). And wold me gladlich for to spille (WRIGHT, Polit. S. p. 199.). pe kyng and ys conseil radde bo stones forte fette (R. or GL, I. 147.). With that ye leve logik, And lerneth for to lovye (P. PLOUGHM. p. 440.). Aftre began he for to wexe wyse and riche (MAUNDEV. p. 139.). Thenne they myght wel forbere For to pleye and for to leyghe (RICH C. DE L. 3450.). They schul. swere hyt never more for to use (HALLIW., Freemas. 459.). When ze weneth alrebest For te have ro ant rest, The ax ys at the rote (WRIGHT A. HALLIW., Rel_Ant. I. 116.). Men use yong chyldren for to done In temple for to lere (Town. M. p. 77.). It also stands with owe: Your counsel ought for to be privé (RICH. C. DE L. 1834.). Well they ought for to complayne This noble man (SKELTON I. 13.). Halfsax. per ich lai a sweuete agan ich for to slepe (Lazam. III. 14.). Thus the infinitive is also added to the verb with a case, where a genuine accusative with the infinitive is to be assumed, or, in general, where the infinitive attaches itself to the verb with a case of the person: pe kynge hette Merlyn þere Forte segge . wat pe tokonyng were (R. OF GL. I. 131.). This prison caused me not for to crie (CHAUC., C. T. 1097.), A mayny of rude villains made hym for to blede (SKELTON I 8). If he wille not suffre then My people for to pas in peasse, I shalle send venyance IX or ten (Tows. M. p. 59.). Than he comaunded hastely Herodes for to make ery (RICH C. DE L. 427.). And bad his folk. . Noo good off hem for to neme (3875.). Prayde hem for to dwelle (79.). Some him taughte for to gon (ALIS. 658.) and so on.

To complete the picture of the use of this infinitive, its further agreement with the infinitive accompanied by to may be pointed out by in

stances.

a) It is found in the gerund sense in be: Suche pinges ywvs Ne bep for to schewe not, but wen gret nede ys (R. OF GL I. 145.). He that is Goddys son for to nevene (Cov. MYST. p 193.). It is for to suppose (SKELTON I 87.) Wherof was made Lay le Frain, In Ingliche for to tellen, y-wis, Of an asche forsothe it is (LAY LE FREINE 23.). Emanuelle.. "God is with us" that is forto say (Tows M. p. 145). That is for to seyne etc. (MAUNDEV. p. 58.). b) It stands with adjectives denoting readiness and the like: They were redy for to wende (RICH. C. de L. 510. cf. 2229.). Ten thousand, ol prest and yare Into batail for to fare (ALIS. 1187.). Ther they be stoute and sterne Bostful wurdes for to crake (RICH, C. DE L. 3826.). Every man that may, That strong is wepene for to bere (4400.). For to fight they wer full fell (4479.). This dede for to do be bothe blythe and bolde (Cov. MYST p. 44.). Men werein wont for to clepe that place the feld of Damasce (Maundev. p. 67.). 3e fonnys and slought of herte for to beleve in holy Scrypture (Cov. MYST. p. 367.); as also with others, especially those denoting an emotion: I am not worthy for to lawse The leste thwong that longes to hys shoyne (Town. M. p. 166). Thou aght to be fulle fayn For to fulfylle my Lordes bydyng (p. 168.). Bot for to tary I were fulle lothe (p 13.). Gyle dooth hym to go, A-gast fjor to dye (P. PLOUGHм. p. 40.). I was lothyst hens for to go (SKELTON I. 2.); as also in the sense of a Latin supine or ad

with the gerund: Fair y was ant fre Ant sembly for to se (Wright A. HALLIW, Rel. Ant. I. 121.). It is hard for to expowne (Town. M. p. 229.). Anon the watre was swete and gode for to drynke (MAUNDEV. p. 57.). Related is: Thou art trew for to trist (Town. M. p. 33.). c) With substantives it frequently appears, like a genitive of the gerund, where the notion of appropriateness, readiness and the like may naturally come more strongly out: Wat, if he leve have of ure heven loverd for to deren us (WRIGHT A. HALLIW., Rel. Ant. I. 213). þat hii nadde no poer azen hym vorto stonde (R OF GL. II. 372.). To whom God af his pleyn power for to bynde and to assoyle (MAUNDEV. p. 18.). How xuld I have wytt a schypp for to make (Cov. MYST. p. 44.). Stondynge In pointe Cleges for to smyght (SIR CLEGES 287.). It is light And time for to go (AMIS. A. AMIL 1058). Halfsax: Naffde zho nan kinde pa Onn hire forr to tamenn (Orм. 455.). So too with other relations: It was joie for to here etc. (HALLIW., Nugae Poet. p. 3.).

d) It attaches itself to determinations of the kind and of measure: None off hem was so bolde For to breke the Sarezynes scheltrome (RICH. C. DE L. 5628.). Who made the so bold For to stroye my stoor of myn houshold? (GAMELYN 349.).

e) To express the motive and the cause, wherewith also may be combined the above mentioned idea of an equivalent, the preposition for combined with to is adapted, whence a conclusion might be drawn as to the conception of the infinitive with to in corresponding cases in olden times: Á mannes herte mihte blede for to here the crie (WRIGHT, Polit. S. p. 341.). Sir, you must shame sich wordys for to meyn Emang men (Tows. M. p. 202.). The lyoun was hungry and megre, And bit his tayl for to be egre (RICH. Č. DE L. 1079). Loke thou come not to churche late, for to speke harlotry by the gate (HALLIW., Freemas.. 593). Thei weren at gret discord, for to make a soudan (MAUNDev. p. 38.). For al this worldes gode to take, His lord nold he neuer forsake (AMIS A AMIL. 1654.) For to winne al this warldes gode, His hende lord.. Schuld he neuer forsake (1942.). Certes, for to lyf or dy, I shalle not faylle (Town. M. p. 122.). We here think of the ambignity of the Fr. pour with the infinitive, by which both the purpose and the cause is expressed.

f) It likewise occurs in the abbreviated question: Ffor wo they ne wuste to whom for to pleyne (DEPOS. OF RICH. II. p. 6.).

Finally this infinitive also stands absolutely: But shortly for to speken of this thing, With Creon . . He faught (CHAUC., C. T. 987. cf. 1342. and others).

g) The old and frequent phaenomenon is yet to be mentioned that, with the combination of several infinitives of like degree, the second with for to follows the first with or without to. This is particularly frequent with their comparative relation to one another after than. Old-Engl.: Ye become my londe to spye, And sum treson me for to don (RICH. C. DE L 718.). It begynnethe to were moyst and for to swete (MAUndev. p. 160.). Ase god is swynden anon as so for to swynke (WRIGHT, Polit. S. p 152.). It is ful hard for any man On Abraham bileve; And wel awey worse yit For to love a sherewe (P. PLOUGHм. p. 350). That it is lighter to lewed men O lesson to knowe Than for to techen hem two (ib.). Betere were to bue wis, Then for to where feh ant grys (WRIGHT A. HALLIW., Rel. Ant. I 109.). Better were to graunt hir asking, Than his liif for to spille (AMIS A. AMIL. 649). It is more worth to be pacient than for to be right strong (CHAUC., C. T. p. 161. I.). I had lever go to Rome.. Then for to grefe yonde grome (Town. M. p. 308.). Thou haddest levyr be betyn lame, Than thi defawtys for to telle (Cov. MYST. p. 306.). This takes place even in the above quoted passage in Half

sax.: Betere pe is freondscipe to habben þene for to fihten (Lazam. III. 41.). The interchange of forms, on the whole equally justified, seems to rest upon euphonic reasons. Compare the interchange of the pure and the prepositional infinitive, touched upon at p. 52.

The infinitive with for to is found in Scottish: And hes vs left all foldit into cair Beleuand for to bring vs to despair (Scoт. POEMS OF THE XVI CENTURY. Lond. 1801. II. 109.). But as to interchanges with till, so for till is met with along with for to: I thocht it best my pen for till assay This lytill buke in verse for to compyle (ROLLAND, Seven Sages 1578. Prol.). In Old-English the reference of the infinitive with to to till occurs: To soupy at table they wente tylle (OCTOUIAN 755.). Not a rare phenomenon in Modern-English is the connection of an infinitive with to with an object connected by for, which is to be regarded as the subject of this infinitive. For in this case mostly discloses no immediate reference to the infinitive Comp. The night is too dark for us to move in (Coop., Spy 14.). The wind sits fair for news to go to Ireland (SHAKSP., Rich. II. 2, 2.). Yet in some cases we cannot help finding a closer reference to the preposition, as in: He was too much accustomed to deeds of violence for the agitation he had at first expressed to be of long continuance (SCOTT, R. Roy 34.), in which the interposed subject would not, according to the English fashion, prevent the grammatical reference to to be, since the subject might precede the for to itself. Comp.: Ostage in this towne know I non, Thin wyff and thou in for to slepe (Cov. MYST. p, 147.).

The Prepositional Infinitive with at.

This infinitive with at, in use in Old-norse, as well as in the modern Scandinavian tongues, is not rarely met with in Old-English. Its coming in is, of course, ascribable to Danish influence.

In Old-English this infinitive is not found in the earliest times, at least in literature: Ful sare him langed to hyr at ga Priuely, withowten ma (SEUYN SAGES 3017.), That es at say, with golde and essence (MS. in Halliw. v. at). We have othere thinges at do (Town. M. p. 181.). With that prynce, . Must we have at do (p, 237.). I wille kepe charite for I have at do (p. 26.). See other instances in Halliwell 1. c In Halfsaxon no trace is found of this infinitive, for in at oferdon = to excess see II. 1. p. 387.) the participle, not the infinitive is to be found.

=

Upon an infinitive of this sort rests ado used substantively bustle, trouble: With much a doo I got unto Braintree by noone (KEMPS, Nine Daies Wonder p. 9.). To make a great ado about trifles (WEBST. v.).

In fact the infinitive at do interchanges with ado in Old-Engl.: I woll that they together go And done all that they han ado (ROM. OF THE ROSE 5082.). That every man schalle have 80 wyfes, alle maydenes; and he schalle have ado every day with hem (MAUNDEV. p. 132.). The rejection of t is nowise remarkable; even in Lazam on the forms at and a interchange before consonants in composition, as atsechen, asechen; atsceken, asceken; atstonde, astonde; atlated, aloped; atwailden, awalden. To do is sometimes quite equal, in the modern stricter meaning, to ado used substantively: And so with much to doe, at my request They haue forborne unto this onely houre (GASCOYGNE, Jocasta 1, 1.).