hit ys gefôn hväl (ib.). Moreover the pure interchanges from early_times with the prepositional infinitive. Old-Engl.: Now liste me to lerne etc. (DEPOS. OF RICH. II. p. 8.). Us list to speke of no playe (IPOм. 1696.). It behovethe men to bere vitaille with hem (MAUNDEV. p. 58.). This behovyth me noght, With myn hondis to baptyze the (Cov. MYST. p. 201.). Loth him was that dede to don, And wele lother his liif forgon (AMIS A. AMIL. 646.). Halfsax.: All swa bihofepp . . pe manuess Sune onn erpe, To wurrpenn hofenn upp (ОRM. 16706.). Las him wes to leosen leouen his leoden (Lazam. II. 556.). Leouere heom his to libben bi þan wode-roten al swa pat wilde swin (I. 20. cf. I. 248. III. 161.). Even Anglosaxon uses the infinitive with tô: Eáðere ys olfende tô farenne purh nædle þyrel, ponne se rica and se velega on Godes rice gâ (MARC. 10, 25.). See Prepos. In

finitive.

The above mentioned personal sentences with a predicative complement are also met with in Old-Engl., employed in such wise as to represent the impersonal: That gadlyng were as good Have grevyd me nought (Town. M. p. 130.). Who so says hym agane Were better be slane (p 85.). I am lever etc; What is drynk with oute mete? (p. 89.). The infinitive with to also occurs, as in Modern-English: I am nought leef to gabbe (CHAUC., C. T. 3510.). Thou wer jayrer to be a pylgryme (RICH. C. DE L. 1715.). He were better his dethe to take (Tows. M. p. 187.). To do what I am best (p. 70.). Comp. Modern-Engl.: You were best to go to bed (Shaksp., II Henry VI. 5, 1. cf. Merch. of Ven. 2, 8.). Francis hastily endeavoured to recall what he were best to say (SCOTT). A dependent sentence stands instead of the infinitive in Old-Engl.: I were lever than alle wardly wyn, That I had fon hym onys onkynde (Tows. M. p. 40.). Nay yit were I leyffer my child were dede (p. 37). In manuscripts the personal sentence sometimes interchanges with the impersonal: A man were better dwell in desert (CHAUC., C. T. p. 109. I. Tyrwh.), and: It were better to a man to dwelle in desert (p. 153. II. Wright). The transformation seems partly produced by analogies like I am loth beside me is loth, I list beside me list, 1 place beside me pleaseth, and the like, when the infinitive remained standing; partly a more particular reference to the adjective may have been given to the infinitive, such as may belong to the prepositional infinitive. Comp. Anglosax His hyldo is une betere tô gevinnanne ponne his viðermêdo (CAEDM. 656.). See Prepos. Infinitive.

:

2. As a predicative determination the pure infinitive is unusual. Comp. II. 1. p. 39.

3. In the adverbial relation the pure infinitive meets us, partly still alone justified, partly to be met with beside the prepositional. a. We primarily consider the infinitive with transitive verbs, to which we also refer the so-called auxiliary and modal verbs.

will, shall, may, must, can, which are to be regarded as dependent verbs of the predicate, needing a more particular, concrete determination through a predicate, have preserved the pure infinitive from the most ancient times.

Will you never love any one but me? (DICKENS, Pickw. 2, 20.) Shall I order a private room? (2, 19.) May his turf lie lightly on him (THACKERAY, Engl. Humourists 4.). I might have been inclined, myself, to regard a coffin-nail as the deadest piece of ironmongery in the trade (DICKENS, Christm. Car. 1.). First and foremost, you must know, that I am descended from the great, O'Brien Borru (MARRYAT, Pet. Simple 1, 12.). If they can also find a color for connecting this violence with the inte

rests of civil government, they can no longer be restrained from giving uncontrolled scope to vengeance and resentment (HUME, H. of E. 37.).

This is common to all periods of the tongue, as to the Anglosaxon: Ic ville faran (A.-S. HOMIL. II. 372.). And volde hine fordon (Deuter. 9, 20.). Nu ic eóver sceal frum-cyn vitan (Bɛov. 508.). Ac vite gehva þät se ne mäg nân fŷr of heofenum ásendan, se þe on heofenum silf cuman ne mót (Joв in Ettm. 5, 1.). Mân ne cûdon dôn nê dreógan (CAEDM. 189.).

The form willing does not partake of this construetion: She is very willing to bid you farewell (SHAKSP., Twelfth Night 2, 3.). Perhaps Samuel Johnson, who spoke slightingly of Prior's verses, enjoyed them more than he was willing to own (THACKERAY, Engl. Humourists 4). Willing is attached to the construction of adjectives, as unwilling. These clinging to his cloak unwilling to be last (ROGERS, Hum. Life:). The older weak verb wilnen frequently has to. Old-Engl.: And wilned eft to slepe (P. PLOUGHм, p. 369.). Halfsax.: Ich wilnie a mine ponke to walden al Rome (LAZAM. II. 632). In Anglosaxon the infinitive stands with and without to. Gif hva gevilniged (sic) tô gevitane hû gedôn man he väs (SAX. CHR. 1087.) and He rilnode hine geseón (Luc. 23, 8.). But in Old-English we sometimes meet, in the above named verbs, to with the infinitive. And willest of briddes . . to knowe Why some be a-lough (P. PLOUGHM. p. 241.), where however the weak verbal form is to be observed: To do youre biding ay we wille (Town. M. p. 38.). To say the best for sothe I shalle (p. 266.). My sovereyne, that suget I shulde to be (DEPOS. OF RICH. II. p. 4.). My ded to se then myght he not (Town. M. p. 329.) - In Shakspeare in the passage: 0 heaven! that one might read the book of fate, And see the revolution of the times make mountains level. .; and other times, to see The beachy girdle of the ocean Too wide for Neptune's hips (II Henry IV. 3, 1.) the remoteness of the last infinitive explains the similar phenomenon. In Anglosaxon tô is also sometimes found with cunnan, to be able, know: Randviggendra rîm ne cunnon tô gesecgenne soðum vordum (CAEDM. 3863.). The Old-Engl. mon, mun, moun, as well as thar, have the pure infinitive. See Vol. I. 323. Comp. Halfsax.: þu wast wel þatt ne mune itt nohht Ben makedd þurrh patt kinde (ORM. 14356.). Anglosax.: Ne pearf he pät gyldan (LEGG. ÆLFRed. 28.). dare, audere, has, besides the pure, also the prepositional infinitive.

I dare swear he is no hypocrite (SHAKSP., Much Adol, 1.). And, when his work is done, he dares not sleep (ROGERS, It. Banditti.). They dare not attempt such cruelty (SCOTT, Ivanh. 24.). Darest thou appeal to it? (ib.) If the matter were good I durst swear it were his (SHAKSP., Lear 1, 2.). Other creature here, Beast, bird, insect, or worm durst enter none (MILT., P. L. 4, 703.). No sycophant or slave, that dar'd oppose Her sacred cause, but trembl'd when he rose (COWPER p. 10.). Mr. Knapps, who dared not punish me, while the Domine was present (MARRYAT, J. Faithf. 1, 3.). I dared not trust my own lady love (OXENFORD, Twice Killed 1, 1.). Thou, that hast wasted Earth, and dar'd despise Alike the wrath and mercy of the skies, Thy pomp is in the grave (Cowp. p. 98.). The construction with the pure infinitive is, as we see, also transferred to the forms which have subsequently come in: I dared, have dared. On the other hand the prepositional infinitive is combined with all verbal forms

of dare, except with durst: Ne dare to weepe (SPENSER, F. Qu. 1, 3, 20.). You most not dare, for shame, to talk of mercy (SHAKSP., Henry V. 2, 2.). Ask him, why In their so sacred paths he dares to tread (Merry W. 4, 4.). Death's gall'ry! (might I dare to call it so.) (YOUNG, N. Th. 6, 333.) But when at last I dared to speak. . your lips moved not (TENNYS. p. 90.). Why have they dar'd to march So many miles? (SHAKSP., Rich. II. 2, 3.) And what I once durst do, have dar'd to justify (RowE, Fair Penit. 2, 2.). No living wight.. Had dared to cross the threshold stone (SCOTT, L. Minstr. 1, 1.). In general the use of the pure infinitive predominates.

The ancient language joins the pure infinitive to dare. Old-Engl.: Mid wuche bodi dar y come in pi sizt ene? (R. OF GL. I. 35.) Y ne dar þe yse (ib.). Ther the poore dar plede (P. PLOUGHм. p. 280.). We dar not wel loke (p. 10.). Yonge children dorste pleyne (p. 253.). They dorste not loke ou oure Lord (p. 393.). Non ther durst abyde hys dent (RICH. C. DE L. 6098.) and so forth. Halfsax.: þat þu derst of Rome wiðsuggen æi dome (LAZAM. II, 619.). Wha hit pe durre ræden (ib.). purrh whatt te himm Ne durrstenn nohht wippstanndenn (ORM. 16170.). Anglosax.: Gif bu furður dearst tô pam ânhagan aldre geneðan (ANDR. 1350.). Ic his bidan ne dear (COD. ExoN. 397, 6.). Ne dear ic hâm faran (GEN. 44. 34). Selfa ne dorste under yoa gevin aldre geneðan, dribtscipe dreógan (BEOV. 2941.).

need, from the Anglosax. nédan, compellere, cogere (see Vol. II. 1. p. 172.) mostly takes the pure infinitive, which is related to the verb like a case of the object.

What need we fear, who knows it? (SHAKSP., Macb. 5, 1.) You need but plead your honorable privilege (All's Well 4, 5.). His death is all I need relate (BYR., Bride 2, 13.). Her kindness and her worth to spy, You need but gaze on Ellen's eye (SCOTT, Lady of the L. 1, 19.). O need I tell that passion's name? (ib.) Thou need'st not do that (MARLOWE, Doct. Faust 2, 4.). I need not add more fuel to your fire (SHAKSP., John 5, 4.). Valour need never pray to Fortune (BULW., Rienzi 2, 4.). Thou needst say no more (SCOTT, Ivanh. 24.). Alongside thereof we also meet with the prepositional infinitive in affirmative and negative sentences: I was as virtuously given as a gentleman need to be (SHAKSP., I Henry IV. 3, 3.). I need not to repent (Rich. II. 3, 4.). You need not to have pricked me (II. Henry IV. 3, 2.). Vice is a monster of so frightful mien, As, to be hated, needs but to be seen (POPE, Essay on M. 2, 217.).

The construction of need with the pure infinitive has not obtained a wider extension till modern times; it is rare in Old-English. Old-Engl.: What nede ye be abast? (Town. M. p. 143.) along with: Whan the mynystres of that chirche neden to maken any reparacyoun (MAUNDEV. p. 174.). Ye nede not to fle (Town. M. p. 149.). The verb, formerly frequently impersonal, has likewise mostly the infinitive with to; Now needeth him no longer labour spend (SPENSER, F. Qu. 1, 1, 26.). Old-Engl.: Thou art so wys, it nedeth nat the teche (CHAUC., C. T. 3599.). Which needith not to reherse (6890.). Nedith no more for him to gon ne ryde (9489.). What nedys the to bralle? (Town. M. p. 150.). What nedith it to fere you (Cov. MYST. p. 388.), where we may regard the infinitive as the logical subject. In Halfsaxon and Anglosaxon this use of neden is unknown.

ought, belonging to owe, Anglosax. âgan, habere, which, with postponement of its temporal meaning, remains faithful to its notion in denoting an obligation or a necessity, is met with here and there in Modern-English accompanied by the pure infinitive, although the infinitive with to originally belongs to it.

To conceal, and not divulge His secrets to be scann'd by them, who ought Rather admire (MILT., P. L. 8, 73.). If he break the peace he ought to enter into a quarrel with fear and trembling (SHAKSP., Much Ado 2, 3.). Men's hearts ought not to be set against one another (CARLYLE, Past a. Pres. 1, 3.).

The ancient tongue not rarely uses the pure infinitive. Old-Engl.: Wip here bodies, þat azte be so free (R. oF GL. I. 12.). This auhte make men aferd (WRIGHT, Polit. S. p. 341.). For him we ahte oure honden wrynge (p. 246). I oughte ben hyere than she (P. PLOUGHм. p. 29.). Glader ought his freend ben of his deth (CHAUC., C. T. 3053.). Wel ought I of such murmur taken heede (8511). We oughten require it with gret contricioun (ib. p. 164. II.). Men ovghten eschewe to cursen here oughne children (p 198. II.). Even in Halfsaxon we meet with the corresponding azen in the present, and preterite also, with the infinitive without to: Swa pu azest Hengest don (Lazam. II. 276.). Comp.: So pou salt Hengest don (ib modern text). For æuere me ahte wisne mon wurdliche igreten (II. 518.). Alongside thereof there certainly stands the prepositional infinitive. Old-Engl. Wel oughte we to do al oure entente (CHAUC., C. T. 11934.) also with the present. To luf me welle thou awe (Tows. M. p. 24.). Ye ow not to be denyed (p. 38.). Joseph, wole ze.. here honour and kepe, as ze howe to do? (Cov. MYST. p. 99.) Halfsax.: Euer ulc god mon ah his lauerdes heste to don (LAZAM. I. 101.), as in Anglosax.: Micel is and mære pät sacerd âh tô dônne (LEGG. CNUT. I. A. 4.). And sæde pät he hit nahte tô donne (SAX. CHR. 1070.). That ought is also used impersonally in Old-English is observed Vol. II. 1. p. 192.

:

gin (begin) Anglosax. ginnan, mostly met with in compounds, sometimes stands in poets with the pure infinitive, whereas the infinitive with to is in general given to it.

And gan tell Their bootelesse paines (SPENSER, F. Qu. 1, 2. 1.). Then gan she wail (1, 2, 7. and very frequently). And Phoebus 'gins arise (SHAKSP., Cymb. 2, 3.). The ladies first 'Gan murmur, as became the softer sea (CowP. p 164.). And forms upon its breast the earl 'gan spy, Cloudy and indistinct (SCOTT, L. Minstr. 6, 18.).

In Old-English with the simple verb gin the pure infinitive is very common: Heo gonne arere walles (R. OF GL. I. 18). Is honden gon he wrynge (WRIGHT, Polit S. p. 193). Thanne gan bleiken here ble (p 341.). To the palcis they gonne ride (ALIS. 1081. ef. 1103. 4229.) Thanne gan I meten A marvellous svevene (P. PLOUGHм. p. 2. cf. p. 158. 262. 352. 374.). Halfsax.: Adun heo gunuen lihten (LAZAM. III. 46.).

The older language also uses can, con, like gan, gon, to periphrase the simple verbal notion: When the lady can awake, A dylfulle gronyng can sche make (M, S. in Halliw. v.). In a forest can they passe, Of Brasille, saith the boke, it was (TOBRENT 1452.). The marchand aftyr in a whyle grete sekenes can hym take, Then sende he for Wyllyam (HALLIW, Nugae Poet. p. 35.), That the commun of Bruges ful sore con a-rewe (WRIGHT, Polit S p. 188.). Moni mon of Engelond For to se Symond thideward con lepe (p. 221.). 3ent al this world is nome con springe (p. 246.), also: How evele hem con spede (p. 213). Him con rewre sore Al is wilde lore,

For elde him dude so wo (WRIGHT A. HALLIW., Rel. Ant. I. 119.). Yet the assumption of a corruption of gan, gon into can, con is inadmissible, especially since both forms appear alongside of each other in the same authors

Compounds of ginnen are moreover also construed with the pure infinitive. Old-Engl.: The mone bi-gynneth bi este a-rise (WRIGHT, Pop. Tr. p. 134.). This seely carpenter bygynneth quake (CHAUC., C. T. 3614.). Ffast from land row they began (TORRENT 1461.). This is frequently the case in Anglosax.: He ongan bodjan and vidmærsjan þâ spräce (MARC. 1, 45.). pâ ongan se Hælend secgan (MATH. 11, 7.). pa ongan he hyspan þâ burga (11, 20.). Agyno beátan his efenpeóvas (24, 49.). This is especially the case with onginnan. (Comp. CAEDM. 30. 1350. II. 646. BEOV. 439 and often, MARC. 2, 24 4, 1) The simple verb and the compounds early appear with the prepositional infinitive. Old-Engl.: Fome hit gynneth to nyme (WRIGHT, Pop. Tr. p. 139.). Over the table gan to schippe (ALIS. 1108.). He bigan to schake ys axe (R. OF GL. I. 25.). Dame Sirith bigon to go (WRIGHT, Anecd p. 9.). The word bygon to springe (Polit. S. p. 193.). God.. that of thi godnesse Bi-gonne the world to make (P. PLOUGHм. p. 106.). Halfsax.: Brien gon to farene (Lazam. III. 234.). Son summ he pezzm bigann off Godd To spellenn annd to fullhtnenn (ORM. 771. cf 1917. and often). Anglosax.: Adrianus se Câsere âgan to rixjenne (SAX. CHR. 116.). pâ began he tô môdigenne (A-S. HOMIL. I. 10.). And begunnon þâ tô vyrcenne (I. 22.) In Goth. duginnan takes the pure infinitive: Dugann Iesus qipan (MATH. 11, 7.). have takes in many relations the pure infinitive.

a. This happens if have is accompanied by good, better, best, lief (lieve), rather, and has a notion of an activity as an objective determination. Good, better, best denote the neuter nature of these latter as such, whereas lief and rather express the nature of them, as it is for the subject of the sentence according to his view. Have, in combination with the former, goes to what is good for the subject of the sentence, with the latter to what is agreable to it.

Then you had as good make a point of first giving away yourself (GOLDSM., G, Nat. M. 2.). You had better leave your folly (MARLOWE, Doct. Faust. 2, 4.). You had better go home now, and pack up what you have got to pack (DICKENS, N. Nickleby 1, 4.). I think Captain Channel had better hasten home (DOUGL. JERROLD, Prisoner of W. 1, 1.). You had better come up yourself (TROLLOPE, Framl. Parson. 1, 18.). They threaten you daily: you had best have an eye upon him (SouTHERN, Óroon. 3, 1.). We had best return towards the boat (BLW., Rienzi 1, 1.). I had as lief be none as one (SHAKSP., Rich. II. 5, 2.). I had as lief have heard the night raven (Much Ado 2, 3.). I had just as lieve be shot in an awkward posture as a genteel one (SHERID., Riv. 5, 2.), I had rather die than see her thus (MARLOWE, Jew of M. 1, 2.). I had rather not be so noble as I am (SHAKSP., Cymb. 2, 1.). But now I see that most through sloth had rather serve (MILT., P. L. 6, 165.). I had much rather be myself the slave, And wear the bonds, than fasten them on him (Cowp. p. 185.). In all these cases the preterite only stands in a conditional relation, and in sentences aiming at a comparison. Shakspeare prefers