lan, at Canonsburg. His legal studies were made in Philadelphia, where he was admitted, and then he came westbeing admitted in Fayette and Washington counties in 1784, Westmoreland in 1785, and here in 1788. Hon. Russell Errett, in his Chapter in the "History of Allegheny County," devoted to the Bench and Bar, assigns to Ross the first place as a lawyer-not noted for his ability as an orator before juries, but for the soundness of his judgment and his comprehensive knowledge of the law. In the early days, here as elsewhere in pioneer counties, controversies as to land titles were the most frequent, as well as the most important matters coming before the Courts. In the trial of such cases James Ross excelled, and was employed in practically every important ejectment case in this section. He was a successful business man as well as lawyer, and was counted as a man of great wealth. The history to which I have referred describes him as "a very large man, over six feet high, broad and full in his proportion, with big feet, of which he was not ashamed.” He was not too much engrossed in the trial of ejectment cases or the acquisition of wealth to participate in the politics of the time. He was a Federalist and, therefore, in opposition to Brackenridge. He was a candidate for Governor, in 1799, and again in 1808, being defeated each time, and in his campaign encountering the malignant slanders and vituperative abuse peculiar to the politics of that period. He was accused of avarice, blasphemy, mockery of religion, of being the candidate of the lawyers and the aristocracy, and of oppressing the wife of John Marie, who at one time kept the tavern on the site of the Ross property on Grant's Hill where Brackenridge, Lucas, John Marie, and other so-called "Jacobins" had their meeting place. It seems that he either purchased this site from Marie, or else the latter had a long lease upon it. In any event, Marie and his wife fell out, the latter refused to vacate the property and Ross was obliged to begin legal proceedings to dispossess her. When, in 1808, he became a candidate against Simon Snyder, the editor of a scurrilous sheet in Philadelphia, the Aurora, issued a pamphlet against Ross, entitled: "The Case of Jane Marie, Exhibiting the Cruelty and Barbarous Conduct of James Ross to a Defenceless Woman, Written and Published by the Object of his Cruelty and Vengeance." This libel, spread broadcast throughout the State, aided in Ross' defeat. As a relief from the savagery of such campaign methods, we may note a more humane and really humorous one. During the Snyder campaign Ross' adherents composed a marching song, which ran thus: "James Ross He's a hoss." The supporters of the Pennsylvania Dutchman soon improved on this, and marched to victory with the following: "James Ross He's a hoss. Ross was not, however, without civic honors, as he was a member of the Constitutional Convention of 1790 and was elected to the United States Senate, where he served from 1794 to 1805, and was presiding officer of that body in 1795 and 1797. He was also president of the Select Council of the City of Pittsburgh from 1816 to 1833, and, as already noted, was with Brackenridge as incorporator of the Pittsburgh Academy. Thus far I have sketched but three of the ten men who assumed their places at the Pittsburgh Bar in 1788. Of most of them there is not much to say because the records are barren of more than a brief mention. Of George Thompson's career, nothing is known. Michael Huffnagel, of German extraction, was a Revolutionary officer and, no doubt, held a worthy place at the Bar, but I can find no trace of his activities. He was Prothonotary of Westmoreland County. David St. Clair was a son of the distinguished Arthur St. Clair, but I can not find that he was active here. James Carson's name appears in three cases in Addison's Reports, but he did not settle in this county and his career can not be traced. John Woods was a son of Col. Woods, who laid out the plan of Pittsburgh in 1784. He was in active practice here and, as heretofore noted, appeared in many local cases, having thirty-two to his credit in Addison's Reports. He represented this district in Congress and was a State Senator and a Presidential Elector. He had a distinguished and honorable record, and ranks with the great lawyers of his period. Robert Galbraith, Deputy Attorney General, already mentioned, had an important place in the history of the law here and left an honored name. The "black sheep" of the flock was David Bradford, who was Deputy Attorney General for Washington County and served in that capacity from 1783 to 1795. He was a leader in the Whiskey Insurrection and was excluded from the terms of amnesty. He fled to Louisiana Territory, where he died. Hon. Russell Errett, in the "History of Allegheny County", says of him: "That he was a demagogue pure and simple is evidenced by his career, and that he was likewise a coward is shown by his speedy departure from the scene of action, when the insurrection began to collapse." In the preparation of this paper reference has been had to the following books upon the period discussed: Chas. W. Dahlinger's "Pittsburgh: A Sketch of Its Early Social Life;" Craig's "Pittsburgh;" Killikelly's "History of Pittsburgh;" Hon. Russell Errett's article on the Bar in "History of Allegheny County;" Col. Blakely's "Bar of Allegheny County," and Loyd's "Early Courts." THE FACTORY RIOTS IN ALLEGHENY CITY. In the middle of the last century the cotton manufacturing industry was of great importance in this community, there being at least six factories in operation here, all of which were located in Allegheny City. On July 31, 1848, a riot of the workers in one of these factories occurred, which caused great excitement. After a number of the rioters had been tried and convicted, the proprietors of the factories issued a pamphlet detailing the incidents of the riot and giving their side of the case. Through the kindness of Mr. John C. Slack, a copy of the pamphlet was received by the Historical Society of Western Pennsylvania. It is of interest in that it gives a graphic account of an event which was of far reaching consequence at the time of its occurrence, and incidentally portrays labor conditions in the cotton industry at that time, with sidelights on labor conditions generally. There are in the city of Allegheny seven cotton manufactories. The capital invested amounts to over a million dollars. They give employment to about fifteen hundred hands, the chief portion of whom are females or boys, who would otherwise be without means of supporting themselves. Previous to the Fourth of last July, the average wages paid to hands for twelve hours work were as follows: To men, seven dollars and fifty cents per week-to some, over twelve dollars per week. To boys, three dollars per week-to some, four dollars and fifty cents per week. To girls two dollars and fifty cents-to some, as high as six dollars per week. The persons deriving support from the cotton mills are estimated at not less than five thousand. On the Fourth of July, the Pennsylvania Act of Assembly, limiting day's work to ten hours, except under special contract by guardians or parents of minors, took effect. The operation of this Act bore most severely on the cotton manufacturers of Allegheny, for the manufacturing capital of Philadelphia, having, for security against mob violence, been driven across the river to New Jersey, was not affected by the Act. Its operation was to increase at once, the cost of manufacturing here about seventeen per cent, in the single item of wages, and, in other respects, increasing not less than twenty or twenty-two per cent in the aggregate, without any corresponding increase of price. Wages here were already much higher than in eastern manufactures-in weaving (a large item) the wages being here from seventy-five to one hundred per cent higher than in the east. Against ruinous competition elsewhere, not subject to any increased cost, any one can see that the manufactures of this city could not stand. They must either abandon the business or make arrangements to meet the exigency. Reduction of wages corresponding with reduction of work, or special contract, under the provisions of the law, for the usual time and prices heretofore existing between employer and operative was considered just and fair; and was declared by counsel, learned in law, to be legal. Accordingly, before the Act took effect, the matter was explained to the operatives, many of whom, seeing the matter in its proper light, were ready and willing to go on, under special agreement, pursuant to the law, at the usual time of twelve hours, at the usual wages, preferring this to the system of reduction. But these were intimidated by others, who, stimulated by bad counsel, and turbulent speeches, sought to coerce employers and fellowoperatives with threats and force. Until proper understanding and arrangements could be made consistent with the provisions of the Act of Assembly, the factories stopped on the first of July, and remained idle until Monday, the thirty-first of that month. In the interval a large number of hands, desiring work, entered into contracts, pursuant to the law, and requested the factories to be opened. Most of the owners, apprehending violence against the hands who chose to go to work, and danger to life and property, declined. But the owners of the Penn Factory, Kennedy, Childs & Co., relying upon the protection of law, and believing that the civil authorities, aided, if necessary, by the peaceful and law-abiding citizens, could afford sufficient protection, agreed with their hands to commence work on the morning of Monday, the thirtyfirst of July. In order to prevent insult and injury to peaceful hands, and respectable and inoffensive females, who chose to work, the civil authorities of Allegheny City and the High Sheriff |