Quoting from a pamphlet entitled, "Revolutionary I. W. W.," by Grover H. Perry, he gave the following:

Industrial Workers of the World is an international movement; not merely an American movement. We are "patriotic" for our class, the working class. We realize that as workers we have no country. The flags and symbols that once meant great things to us have been seized by our employers. To-day they mean naught to us but oppression and tyranny.

Then he was asked the question:

Q. Can you tell the committee what methods are employed by the I. W. W. to spread their influence?-A. They carry on a continuous propaganda and agitation by means of a thoroughly well-organized press and by having trained agitators working among trade unions and in organizing separate locals in various industries; for instance, the general executive board publishes the following newspapers and periodicals in English.

Then he gives a list of papers printed in English, followed by a list of those printed in foreign tongues.

He testified later, after having reference to the preamble of the I. W. W., I think it was:

It will be noted from the foregoing that the W. I. I. U., while aiming at the destruction of ownership of private property, was distinguished from the I. W. W. by its willingness to employ parliamentary methods until such time as direct action offers a prospect of immediate success.

Then he was asked:

Q. Can you state what the attitude of the Workers' International Industrial Union is toward the American Federation of Labor?-A. Like the I. W. W.'s it is extremely antagonistic to the American Federation of Labor. As an illustration, I should like to read from the May 10, 1919, issue of the International Union News, the chief organ of the Workers' International Industrial Union, which contains an article on page 1, column 1, with the heading "A. F. of L. lieutenants again betraying labor-Attempt to break strike of W. I. I. U. machinists in Brooklyn." The article goes on to say:

"Since the inception of the war, the A. F. of L., through its chief official spokesmen, like Gompers, Morrison, Tobin, etc., has, more emphatically than ever, taken an active and open stand against socialism and all class-conscious organizations of the workers in the economic and political field."

Continuing, Mr. Frayne said:

Illustrations of attacks upon the American Federation of Labor and its recognized officials could be given without number. In fact, an examination of the literature of this organization would indicate that it was as much a revolt against legitimate organized labor as represented by the American Federation of Labor as against capital and the State.

Then he was asked a question as to what the attitude of the Workers' International Industrial Union was toward the bolsheviki, and his answer is:

Its attitude is apparently one of great sympathy with and appreciation of the activities of the Russian Communist Party, known as the bolsheviki. Το illustrate this I shall read from an article entitled The Russian Revolution and Social Industrial Unionism," by S. F. Friedum, which appears on page 12 of the First of May Magazine for the 1st of May, 1919. Here, I find the following:

"The feat of the Russian workers has compelled universal attention and heartfelt applause from the class-conscious workers everywhere. The socialist industrial unionist, always on the alert to learn from a defeat of the working class and to be guided by its successes, has eagerly watched the passing events in Russia. Unfortunately, a sea and continent are between us and our Russian fellow workers; yet the reliable information received and the impartial reports of those who have no interest in adulterating the truth The convey a clear idea of what has transpired and what is transpiring. Russian revolution has proved a thundering indorsement of the principles

of socialist industrial unionism. The Russian workers, first in the throes of revolution, and now working out a stable socialist structure of government, have been compelled by the force of events to adopt the underlying truths of socialist industrial unionism. They are making realities of our theories. It is my purpose to point out, from the facts on hand, wherein the principles of the W. I. I. U. are confirmed by the actual events in Russia."

Later Henry W. Grunewald. was called as a witness, and, duly sworn by the chairman, testified regarding a paper which was found on the premises of the soviet republic, in New York, printed in German, known as the Berlin Tageblatt, on the day of April 4, 1918. He translates an article in that paper into English, as follows:

A. April 4, 1919, the Bolshevik agitation in America. The Daily News announces that in New York and America exist a systematic Bolshevist agitation. The American industrials have already been warned, and are handling the situation with the greatest carefulness. They are even sending experts to Europe to study there the conditions. The unrest that has seized the American public affairs for the moment comes through the activities of the official representative of the Bolshevik Government, Mr. Martens, whose business quarters are in the vicinity of Wall Street. It deals with the American business world by offering gold credits for which he has at his disposal in all 40,000,000 pounds sterling, which are to be used for firms desiring to establish business relations with Russia. Martens is pictured as a quiet man who is well aware of his responsibility. To welcome him a theater was rented in which over six thousand people had congregated. A newspaper, known as the Rebel Worker was sold, and as red flags are not allowed to be displayed in America, many women wore red dresses. At this meeting a soviet America was demanded, and the actual American Government was hissed. The revolution in Hungary was wildly agreed with.

That is from a paper printed in German known as the Berlin Tageblatt, found on the premises of the Russian Soviet Bureau, New York, which was raided by request of the committee on a warrant issued by Magistrate McAdoo.

And in another paper found on the same premises there appears the following:

THE SOCIAL PARTY, EIGHTH ASSEMBLY DISTRICT, One hundred and twenty-second Avenue, New York, April 21, 1919. Comrade L. C. A. K. MARTENS,

Official Representative, Russian
Greetings:

Socialist Federated Soviet Republic,

The members of the Eighth assembly district, local New York Socialist Party of America, in regular meeting assembled this 3d day of April, 1919, sends greetings to you and pledge our cooperation in establishing the first representative of the workers' government of Russia in America. We also pledge ourselves to work unceasingly for the propagation of those principles and policies and tactics that will tend directly in the establishment of a Socialist Federated Soviet republic in America. Be it further resolved that a copy of the resolution be printed in the New York Call.

I won't be sure about this name, but think it is signed by Rebecca Bouhay, secretary. I think, however, that is correct, to which was a carbon copy of Mr. Martens reply in which he said:

Comrade REBECCA BUHAY,

MAY 6, 1919.

Secretary Eighth Assembly District Socialist Party, 122 Second Avenue. DEAR COMRADE: I thank you in the name of the Russian Socialist Federal Soviet Republic for the greetings you sent me.

I trust that your devotion to the cause of the Russian Soviet Republic will serve the Russian proletariat as well as the proletariat of other countries as a support in their struggle for their final emancipation.

Representative in the United States of the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs.

There is another communication addressed to Mr. Martens, as follows:

Comrade L. C. A. K. MARTENS,

YOUNG PEOPLE'S SOCIALISTIC LEAGUE,
New York, N. Y., April 12, 1919.

Representative of the Russian Federated Socialistic Soviet Republic. We, the membership of Circle 6, of Manhattan, of the Young People's Socialistic League, herewith extend our heartiest greetings to you and through you to our Russian comrades across the sea. The spirit of brotherhood shall never be stamped out of the hearts of the young. We are ready to meet and battle for the future. There shall come a time when these United States of America will send a representative of their soviet republic to Russia. Until then, we are yours for the world revolution and brotherhood.

DAVID LEVISON,

Organizer, Circle 6, Manhattan.

To this was attached an answer similar to the other.
And here is another communication:

RUSSIAN BRANCH OF AMERICAN SOCIALIST PARTY,

Passaic, N. J.

Ukr. Fed. of Socialist Party, Passaic, N. J.
Oddz Pol. Soc. Par. Qwyciestwo Ludu. W. Passaic, N. J.
Greetings to the representative of the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet
Republic:

From the Russian, Polish, and Ukrainian branches of the American Socialist parties of the city of Passaic, N. J.

At a special business meeting of the three branches, which occurred on March 31 in the branches' club, No. 118 Third Street, it was resolved to send to you, as The representative of the Russian Republic in the United States, the following greeting:

We, the members of the three branches, in the presence of persons and members of the branches warmly greet you, Comrade L. A. Martens, as the first representative of the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic. We wish you a rapid success in your activities for the benefit of the Russian Republic.

We hope that your activities will become a strong impress for the benefit of the entire laboring proletariat of the whole world, and that by your activities there will be established a connection between the American proletariat and the Russian revolutionary proletariat soviet government.

We also protest and demand the immediate recall from the limits of the Russian Soviet Republic of the allied troops and the opening by the Allies of the frontiers for the free passage of European citizens to their fatherland.

M. DORESEVIN,

Secretary of Russian Branch.
JOE KOSTECK,

Secretary Polish Branch.
Т. ВАВАК,

Secretary Ukrainain Branch.

Later, a member of the committee coming, the chairman, Senator Lusk, said:

Just a minute. I want to say, Senator Mullen, you have not been here and have not had a chance to read the evidence I want to say for your benefit that two of the members of this organization were brought before our committee in executive session and testified-Mr. Martens, who claims to be the Soviet ambassador, and he testified in his evidence that his activities here were purely commercial, nothing else. That is, that they were engaged in buying for the Russian Government. Also Mr. Heller was sworn, and he testified that their activities were purely commercial, and my recollection is that he said he had not bought anything, and the evidence of Mr. Martens was that they never had paid any money for anything here, although Mr. Martens said that he had arranged one or two contracts so that later on he was to get some shoes or something of that sort. I wanted you to understand that evidence-you were not here as you would appreciate the significance.

That is particularly important, in view of something I want to say later.

Here is a communication taken from the same premises:

LOCAL BUFFALO, SOCIALIST PARTY,
Buffalo, N. Y., January 31, 1918.

Mr. SANTERI NUORTEVA, New York. DEAR COMRADE NUORTEVA: Local Buffalo, Socialist Party, and other radical organizations are arranging a protest meeting in behalf of our comrades imprisoned under the espionage law. We want to make this a superior drive for the comrades who are shackled with American democracy.

The proposed date is March 13 or 14-preferably the 14th. The meeting is to be held at Elmwood Music Hall. Kindly give me a prompt reply whether or not it would be possible for you to be in Buffalo for that meeting, also the amount of your fee. I must know at once in order to give ample time for arousing the masses.

For the success of the revolution,

And, the reply is rather significant:

Mr. MARTIN B. HEISLER,

Buffalo, N. Y.

MARTIN B. HEISLER, Organizer.

"NEW YORK, February 3, 1919.

DEAR COMRADE HEISLER: In regard to your request that I address the protest meeting to be held at Elmwood Music Hall during the second week in March, I can not at present give you a definite answer. Comrade Neorteva is out of town. I will communicate with him and inform you as soon as possible of his decision.

However, I must tell you that comrade Nuorteva is exceptionally busy at the present time and has many out-of-town dates which may prevent his accept

ance.

Fraternally, yours,

(Unsigned).

Later Mr. Stevenson, an associate counsel, testifying, said:

A decree dated December 19, 1917, issued by the People's Commisar of Justice, I. Z. Steinberg, is printed on page 51 of this document.

Instructions to the revolutionary tribunal. The revolutionary tribunal is guided by the following instructions:

(1) The revolutionary tribunal has jurisdiction in cases of persons:

(a) Who organize uprising against the authority of the workman's and peasant's government, actively oppose the latter, or do not obey it, or call upon other persons to oppose or disobey it.

And, I might digress just long enough to say that this is a decree from Russia and applies in Russia. This is the authority given. The CHAIRMAN. This was issued to the Russians?

Mr. DAVEY. This is a decree issued in Russia.

The CHAIRMAN. To the Russians.

Mr. DAVEY. Stating the power of the revolutionary tribunal. I want to refer to this as showing the wonderful freedom that they enjoy in Russia, the blessings of this great Soviet Republic.

(a) Who organize uprising against the authority of the workmen's and peasant's government, actively oppose the latter, or do not obey it, or call upon other persons to oppose or disobey it.

This revolutionary tribunal has absolute jurisdiction over that class of persons.

(b) Those who utilize their positions in the state of public service to disturb or hamper the regular progress of work in the institution or enterprise in which they are or have been serving, such as sabotage, concealing and destroying documents or property, etc.

161476-20-12

The revolutionary tribunal has absolute jurisdiction over them.

(c) Who stop or reduce production of articles of general use without actual necessity for so doing.

The revolutionary tribunal has absolute and final jurisdiction there.

(d) Who violate the decrees, orders, binding ordinances, and other published acts of the workmen's and peasant's government, if such acts stipulate a trial by the revolutionary tribunal for their violation.

(e) Who take advantage of their social or administrative positions to misuse the authority given them by the revolutionary people.

(f) Crimes against the people committed by means of the press under the jurisdiction of a specially instituted revolutionary tribunal.

(g) Upon receiving an information or complaint, the investigating commission examines and within 48 hours either orders the dismissal of the case, if it does not find that a crime has been committed, or transfers it to the proper jurisdiction, or brings it up for trial at the session of the revolutionary tribunal. (h) Orders of the investigating commission about arrests, searches, abstracts of papers, releases of detained persons are valid if issued jointly by three members.

(i) The order of the investigating commission is carried out by the Red Guard, the militia, the troops, and the executive organs of the republic.

Now then, on page 54, apparently the same document, there appears also decrees issued by the people's commisar of justice, I. N. Z. Steinberg, dated December 18, 1917, entitled, "The Revolutionary Tribunal and Press."

Section 1. Under the revolutionary tribunal is created a revolutionary tribunal of the press. This tribunal will have jurisdiction of crimes and offenses against the people committed by means of the press.

2. Crimes and offenses by means of the press are the publication and circulation of any false or perverted reports and information about events in public life, in so far as they constitute an attempt on the rights and interests of the revolutionary people.

3. The revolutionary tribunal of the press consists of three members elected for a period of not longer than three months by the soviet of workers, soldiers, and peasants' deputies. These members are charged with the conduct of the preliminary investigation, as well as the trial of the cases. The following serve as grounds for instituting proceedings: Reports of legal or administrative institutions, public organizations, private persons.

Mr. RALSTON. May I ask the gentleman a question?

Mr. DAVEY. Certainly.

Mr. RALSTON. I would be very glad and I think we would all be very much edified if Mr. Davey would point out the fundamental essential difference between the bill, or act, or what ever you may call it, in Russia, which he has just been reading and his own bill or the Graham bill. I hope he will answer that.

Mr. DAVEY. I will get to that later, with the gentleman's permis

sion.

Mr. RALSTON. Don't forget it.

Mr. DAVEY. I will try not to.

I think it would be worth while to go through this testimony. I spent a great many hours reading it, in order that I might be informed on this particular subject. I was given permission by Attorney General Newton, of New York, to use any portion of this that might be useful.

The CHAIRMAN. Do you include in that the whole of those decrees in Russia?

Mr. DAVEY. I have gotten this information, and I have given the high spots, I might say, of the testimony largely from Mr. Frayne's