reduced by one-half, the emoluments of those who follow the profession will be proportionately reduced. During the time that the endowments of the two great English universities were practically limited to clergymen, the supply of candidates for the clerical profession was abundant. About sixteen years ago this provision was made matter of open competition, and the supply of academical graduates to the clerical profession was immediately diminished. The incomes of Roman Catholic priests, especially in Ireland, are very small; but, on the other hand, up to the present year the vast majority of these priests were educated at the puolic charge in Maynooth. It is quite certain that the gratuitous education and the lowness of the stipend are related facts, and that if the former be made expensive hereafter, the latter will rise, or the number of persons entering into the calling will be diminished.

The rate of wages then being at any one time the proportion between the number of persons seeking employment and the amount of employment available for them, the theory of labour and wages is closely connected with two other economical circumstances, the principle of population, and the remedy for low wages. If population is in excess of employment, wages will fall; if some mechanism can be discovered by which this fall may be prevented or arrested, the remedy for low wages will be discovered.

Many economists of great repute have given way to the most gloomy forebodings as to the increase of population. They picture to themselves a thoughtless and improvident people, the members of which increase more rapidly than the means of life possibly can, and they conceive that this increase can go on till a day of unremitting toil leaves the scantiest subsistence to the unfortunate people whose numbers are so inauspiciously large. Now in my opinion, and for reasons which I shall proceed to give, much of this alarm is groundless.

The theory of population commonly accepted by economists contains one or two unquestionable truths. A nation grows up to the means of the ordinary or average subsistence of its individual members, or, to vary the language, the majority of a community live up to their income, and are satisfied if they can leave their children no worse off, and perhaps a little better off, than they were themselves. Again, when a community is so well off that a earnings of its industrial classes are on an average vastly in excess of what they need for their subsistence, the growth of population, should the climate of the country be healthy and favourable to life, is very rapid.

But though a community will increase up to the average means of subsistence, it does not increase beyond these means. If the people of Great Britain are found to be more numerous at every census, this fact does not of itself prove that the people are reckless or improvident, but that the efficiency of labour has so far increased that more can be maintained by it than were maintained before. It is not the fact that with this growth of population an increase of agricultural produce is obtained by an increase of labour. The fact is precisely the reverse. The increase has been obtained by less labour. If, indeed, the community gives up a more expensive kind of food, and betakes itself to a cheaper or inferior, population will increase, and the condition of the people will have been lowered; but no one needs to be told that the English people, in the mass, has not lowered its standard of living within the last twenty years, but that it has rather bettered it.

In a rough kind of way, population does accommodate itself to the means of subsistence in its possession or in its power. It is found that when food is dear there are fewer marriages and fewer births.

There are, however, two events which have, on their occurrence, an important effect on an existing generation of labourers seeking employment, since they induce the phenomenon of an excessive population, i.e., of a demand for employment which is in excess of supply. These are scarcity and distrust.

A man's wages are not only the money which he earns, but the articles which money will buy. When food gets dear, though the labourer's money wages remain unchanged, his real wages—that is, what he can buy with his money-are diminished by the difference between the average and the present price of these necessaries. He seeks to work harder, and he is obliged to economise. The first condition makes him more eager to compete for his own employment, the second makes him less able to purchase what other labourers produce. A scarcity at

home always depresses home trade, and a scarcity abroad has the same effects on foreign trade. When the cost of maintenance increases, the margin of earnings, from which a man might buy comforts or luxuries, is curtailed. Temporarily, then, there is an excess of population over the means of subsistence and employment.

A period of distrust has the same effects. Not a little of the means which an employer devotes towards carrying on his business, and by which he is able to give employment to labourers, or at least to keep them engaged, is capital bor. rowed from others. But in order to borrow, a man must have credit, that is, they who lend must be convinced of his ability and his willingness to repay that which has been lent him. There are, however, times in which confidence is so shaken, owing to reckless speculation, that lenders are shy and timid. This phenomenon has happened during the last four years, and labourers have suffered from the faults of employers to a very great extent, perhaps more severely than at any previous crisis of a similar kind.

Again, the distrust may be the fault of the labourer. I have already said that high and low wages do not mean dear or cheap labour; but that cheap labour is that which is very effective, dear that which is ineffective. If a man is paid ten shillings a day, and his work is worth fourteen, he is a cheaper labourer than a man whose wages are five shillings a day, and whose work is worth only six. Now a labourer, and, for the matter of that, a combination of labourers, may wilfully make their work dear. They may lower the quality or the quantity of their work by sluggishness and carelessness, they may make their labour uncertain because they quarrel with their employer unreasonably, they may drive a particular industry actually out of the country by a variety of expedients which they think will heighten their wages, but which ultimately destroy their wages altogether by destroying their employment. Such acts of industrial suicide, so to speak, though not very common, have happened. If a man who embarks in any calling finds that this calling is surrounded by extra risks, he will either compensate himself for his risks by charging the public a higher price for the productions which he sells, or he will abandon his calling altogether.

In all cases, however, it is not so much the excess of popula tion which is to be dreaded, as its being immovable. Wages vary very much in quantity at places not very far apart, and vary excessively in localities which are distant indeed, bnt ean easily be reached by enterprise. A labourer who is half-starved in England may get abundant wages in every sense of the word in Canada, Australia, or the United States. Ages must pass before the New World is peopled as densely as England is, and in the interval, not to speak of other regions, there is no general, but only a local or even temporary, excess of population.

The English labourer is kept poor, not because he can find no employment, but because he is slow to move, or unable to do so. A man who lives from hand to mouth has little or no power to change the place of his employment for one in which he will be better paid. If he took care to keep some reserve by him, which would be at hand as a means by which he could transfer the labour which he has to sell from a worse to a better market, he could speedily mend his condition. What should we think of a manufacturer who was so heedless that he did not retain funds enough in his possession to pay the carriage of his goods to the place where he could sell them? Labourers in England, unfortunately, for the most part are in this helpless condition, and therefore are powerless, and obliged to put up with whatever may be offered them. A man who cannot wait for his market or seek the best market, always sells at the greatest disadvantage; and what is true of goods is true of labour.

My readers will anticipate, therefore, that the best meansperhaps the only means-by which the low wages which follow from an excess of labour may be remedied or removed, is by turning the excess into a deficiency. It is easy to illustrate this by an example.

The rate of agricultural wages is in the southern English counties very low. It is, perhaps, not much lower, it may be even higher, than it was twenty years ago; but still it is very ill paid. I know no labourer who can do so many things so well as a thoroughly good farm hand can. He frequently knows as much about land, its qualities, how it should be tilled, and what it will bear, as his employer does, and speedily learns the use

separated into two great divisions, on the evidence afforded by language. It is almost certain that the Mongolians must be similarly treated, for there are great distinctions among the tongues which they speak. As a first step to understanding the matter, it is necessary to explain the fundamental principles on which languages have been classified. Readers comprehend what is meant by calling a word a root. The import is that it is a simple word, like love, head, sun, which cannot apparently be resolved into any more primitive one from which it may be supposed to have sprung. Roots in language remind us of the simple substances in Nature, such as iron, silicon, or potassium, which chemists have not yet succeeded in proving to be made up of two others. Professor Max Müller affirms that in all languages the roots are monosyllabic. He divides them into two classes, predicative roots, that is, those which assert something or other-as eye, star, cold; and demonstrative roots, meant to point something out, as there, who, what, thus, that, thou, he. It is believed that in every language the roots were at first separate from each other. No two had coalesced, but all stood out in absolute isolation. The Chinese is notably in this predicament still. "It is a language," says Professor Müller, "in which no coalescence of roots has taken place; every word is a root, and every root is a word. It is, in fact, the most primitive stage in which we can imagine human language to have existed" (pp. 259, 260 of "Lectures on the Science of Language." London : Longman, Green, and Co., 1861). Language in this "radical stage," that is, this root-stage, he calls monosyllabic, or isolating. The isolation in which the roots stand to each other explains the latter of these two terms, while the fact, already mentioned, that all real roots are monosyllables, accounts for the former. Many languages have, however, gone beyond the radical, and reached the "terminational stage." In their case two or more roots have coalesced to form a word. Of these, however, one has invariably lost its original independence, and sunk into a mere termination. In the English term, "breastwork," there are the two roots, breast and work, not, as in Chinese, standing apart from each other, but one (work) figuring as the termination of the other (breast). This kind of union is called agglutinative, from the Latin word gluten, glue, as if two separate roots were glued together. With the exception of the Aryan, the Semitic, and the Chinese, with its cognate dialects, all the languages of Asia belong to the agglutinative division. The next and highest stage of all -the "inflectional " one, is that in which the two roots in conjunction have thoroughly coalesced, both having lost their substantive independence, so that they cannot now be easily dissevered. In the English word is, for instance, there must be two roots, the one (predicative) asserting the existence of a person or thing; and the second (demonstrative) indicating that the entity pointed at is not in the first or the second, but in the third person. Languages of this character are called organic, or amalgamating. Those which answer to the description now given are the forms of speech used by the Aryan and Semitic races.

To confine our attention now to the Mongolians. Language cannot render us so much service here as it did in the case of the inflectional class, in which similarity of inflection, it will be remembered, was deemed a better proof than resemblance in roots that tongues now distinct had formerly been identical. But in most of the Asiatic languages there are no proper inflections, and it is an extremely vague character to say that some Mongolian nations speak monosyllabic and others agglutinate languages. It appears to us that this classifies them rather according to the degree of linguistic development which they have reached, than according to their ethnological affinities. How many families like the Aryan and Semitic Caucasians will ultimately be made out of the vast Mongolian chaos, it were difficult at present to say. We should suppose several, especially if the Americans and the Malays of Blumenbach are regarded as simply more or less modified Mongolians. All that can at present be done, however, is to follow existent lights, and separate the Asiatics belonging to the comprehensive division of mankind now under review into two sections, those speaking monosyllabic, and those using agglutinate tongues.

It was needful for clearness that we should give some specimens of

The Chinese, as already stated, stand as the most typical specimens of the first division. Thus, where in Latin the expres sion would be used, baculo, “with a stick," the Chinese say y cang, meaning " employ stick." The physical appearance of this interesting people is well known, though some pictures exaggerate rather than correctly represent its peculiarities. The Chinese have the Mongolian eye more manifest in them than in the tribes and nations around, that is, they have eyes linear in form and situated obliquely, so that the outer extremity is turned up. The beard is scanty. The population of the Chinese empire is supposed to amount to 400,000,000, about a third of the human family. The vast majority of these are of the genuine Chinese race. If we mistake not, this great nationality is destined to affect the world more powerfully in the future than it has done in the past. Its isolation is giving way, and emigrants, whom the pressure of population drives from its shores, are beginning to pour in thousands into other lands. Many of them return home, the main reason being that their wives are not allowed to accompany them to foreign countries. When this barrier to settlement abroad is removed, then the stream of emigration, even at present of respectable dimensions, will become a flood overflowing many territories. The dominant religion in China is Buddhism, a faith which originated with an Aryan prince in India.

We pass next to the remaining divisions of the Mongolian race. After Max Müller has disposed of the Chinese and its cognate dialects, he divides all the other languages spoken by Mongolians, at least of the eastern hemisphere, into two great sections-the northern and the southern divisions of the great Turanian family of tongues. Ages have elapsed since the name Turan was first opposed to Arya, or rather Aria, the former being used to designate the wandering Mongols, while the latter stood for the more settled Brahmans and Iranians, who were believed to be of superior race. All the languages now mentioned are held by Müller to be agglutinate, though some of them, such as the Thibetan, the Karen, the tongues of Siam, Laos, and Cambodia, are transferred by Farrar, as indeed had been done by Latham and others previously, to the monosyllabic class. To turn now to the Northern Turanians.

From time immemorial the great table-land of Central Asia, from the confines of Europe to the borders of China, has been traversed by wandering shepherds, vaguely described by the ancients as Scythians, and by medieval Europeans as Tartars. Occupying the very latitudes which in another continent developed the powers of the conquering Teutons, perpetually out in the open air, and preserved by their mode of life from the enervating vices of cities, they became admirably adapted for military service, and whenever they obtained a leader of genius to heal their petty feuds, and force them for a time to act in common, they had it in their power to overturn old empires and establish barbarous sovereignties of their own amid the ruins they had made. Thus did Attila and Jenghis Khan and Tamerlane and others, one and all of them of the North Turanian or Tartar race. The word "Tartar," it is said, should be Tatar, the r being inserted during the Middle Ages to give colour to the charitable statement or conjecture that the dark and ugly Asiatics who battled so hard against the warriors of Europe, had come from Tartarus.

The North Turanian forms of speech are five in number-the Tungusic, the Mongolic, the Turkic, the Samoyedic, and the Finnic (Uralic) tongues. An interest attaches to each of the five. From the Tungusic branch of the Turanians came the Mandshoo Tartars, who in the seventeenth century conquered China, and still retain supreme authority in that great land. The Tai-ping revolt was a rise in arms of the native Chinese against their Tartar rulers. It was nominally the Mongolians proper, though really a medley of Turanian tribes, among whom, however, the Mongolians were the most prominent, who under Jenghis Khan conquered a great part of Asia, while his successors carried their arms into Europe itself. All are familiar with the title "the Great Mogul," as applied to the Delhi emperors, and one section of the Indian Mahometans are still called Moguls; but the Turks were really more prominent than the proper Mongols in that conquest of India which led to the establishment of the Delhi-Mogul throne. The Turks follow next in order. They are associated in most

they are widely spread throughout all Western and Central

Asia. So much is this the case that, as before stated, Independent Tartary is now often called Independent Turkestan, and even Chinese Tartary, Chinese Turkestan. Stan, or sthan, is a Persian word, meaning "place," as Affghanistan, "the place of the Affghans," Hindoostan, "the place of the Hindoos." Turkestan, then, is the place or the country of the Turks. The Mongolian physical characteristics have become greatly softened down in the case of the Turks resident in Europe. Intermarriages with Circassian and Greek Aryans have had much to do with this. Besides, as Prichard shows, a nomad race settling down in a fixed habitation, and becoming more civilised, so alters that the square face and the pyramidal skull of the old pastoral Turks would almost of necessity be modified for the better, even without Aryan intermarriages, by their advance in civilisation.

The Samoyedes

in

follow next order. They are a polar race akin to the Esquimaux. They occupy a vast tract of land in the north of Europe and Asia, extending

along the shores of

the Arctic Ocean from Archangel on the White Sea to Cape Tcheliuskin and Khatanga Bay. This conducts us once more to European ground, and here the Finnic subdivision of the Northern Turanians brings up the rear. The Finns and the Laplanders belong to the group. So do the Magyars of Hungary. The affinity of the Finns and the Magyars is thoroughly proved by the similarity in their respective languages. The Magyars have been in Europe for only

tribe, or at least its aristocratic members, have become all but Caucasian. Unlike the Magyars, whom we have seen to be recent invaders from Asia, the Finns are perhaps the oldest inhabitants of Europe. It is suspected that they once overspread a great part of our continent, though so little of it remains to them now. The Laplanders are of Finnish descent. Possibly the Basques in the south of France and the north of Spain belong

about 1,000 years. They entered it as conquerors in the ninth century, and seized on the territory which they at present Occupy. Possibly many of the same race may have been in that part of Europe previously, descended from the wild Huns, with whom Attila had scourged the nations centuries before. Both Attila's Huns, and their successors the Magyars, were so Mongolian in appearance when they first came to Europe from the Asiatic steppes, that the Europeans whom they encountered looked on them as perfectly hideous; but on them, as on the Turks, centuries of civilisation have told with no inconsiderable power, and the Mongolian visage has been considerably softened down. If Kossuth were a pure Magyar, and an average specimen of the race, then that once uncouth

to the same family. They were once held to be Celts, but this view has long been abandoned. In all likelihood they are Turanians, though oddly enough their language has some affinity, not in its roots, but in its polysyllabic racter, to the North American tongues. The South Turanian family of speech resolves itself into four divisions-the Tamulic,

cho.

in the south of India; the Bhotâya, or the dialects of Tibet and Bhotan; the Taïc, or those of Siam; and the Malayic of the Malay peninsula, the Eastern Archipelago, and the Pacific Islands.

As before mentioned, the great mass of the Hindoos

are not Aryan, but Turanian. The languages of the south of Indiathe Tamul, the Teloogoo, the Canarese, the Malayalam, and others unequivocally show this. Though it be less easy to prove the point, yet it is believed to be the same with the tongues of Central and of Northern India, albeit their original character has been entirely disguised by the great infusion into them of Sanscrit words. Thus, in

the Mahratta spoken in Central India, one-fifth of the words are not of Sanscrit origin. In the Hindee of India north of the Nerbudda, where Brahminism has more or less flourished during the last 2,000 years and more, one-tenth of the words are derived from some language different from the Sanscrit. In fact, nearly all the military history of India, for centuries after the Brahmans established themselves in the Punjaub, consisted of little more than a series of desperate combats between the invading Aryans and the native Indian Turanians. The discovery of a language akin to Tamul, the Brahui, in Beloochistan, would lead one to think that it was through that country that the Turanians first entered India; but further research is needful before this can be considered a settled point.

The only other group of South Turanian languages that we shall notice is the Malay, that spoken by the race so named in Blumenbach's arrangement, and by him regarded as one of the primary varieties of mankind. For its physical characteristics we would refer our readers to a former paper. A very interesting point connected with it is that, as the evidence of language shows, it is not confined to the Malay peninsula or archipelago, but is spread from Madagascar on the one side all through the Pacific islands to the expanse of water severing these from the coast of America. Among many other tribes it includes the New Zealand Maories, of whom a chief, by name Heki, who in his day gave our troops no slight amount of trouble, is represented in the engraving.

At the opening of the next paper we shall treat of the American Red men, the only remaining portion of the extensive Mongolian race.

INDUSTRIAL AND POLITICAL HISTORY OF COMMERCE.

CHAPTER XXI.-INFLUENCE OF THE CRUSADES UPON COMMERCIAL INTERCOURSE.

In order to trace the influence of the crusades upon commerce, a succinct review of the previous conditions of society must be entered upon. The crusades were the collision of Western and Eastern fanaticism. The Arabs, who swarmed round the standard of the Prophet, were at first as rude as the Goths of Europe. But the facility with which the Oriental character adapted itself to industry, and the precepts enforced by the Koran, refined the Children of the Desert wherever they settled, and made them keen to perceive the capabilities of different regions. Wealth rewarded Arab industry and intelligence, and for some ages civilisation was kept alive almost solely in their dominions. They revived a Chaldean splendour in their cities. From Bagdad to Granada, science, art, and letters flourished, while innumerable luxuries, unknown to the races out of the pale of Areb conquest, were enjoyed by them in abundance. In their dominions commerce became free; for, as they were almost sole masters, to restrict the trade at any place was to impose a penalty upon themselves. They broke up the system of concentrating wealth upon one gorgeous capital till it sank under the weight of its voluptuous burden; they made their whole dominion a hive of industry. Moorish Granada enjoyed a state of prosperity never since witnessed in Spain, the era of fictitious wealth due to the discovery of the American gold and silver mines not excepted.

Contrasted with Asia as represented by the Arabs, Europe is obscured in a mist of prejudices, superstition, and ignorance. Literature was almost unknown to the barbarous successors of the polished Romans. The native inhabitants were reduced to serfdom, and the land became the property of chieftains, who divided it under feudal tenure among their vassals. Labour, as of old, was servile, and therefore degrading to free men. Being the heritage of slaves, whose interest was to do as little as possible, there was in work no elevating principle to match with the dignity supposed to attach to war. Greece and Rome held the false belief that idleness and fighting were the worthiest human occupations, and this not from any want of capacity on the part of the citizens, as witness their military engines and roads, their canals and aqueducts, temples, palaces, and sculpture.

The degradation of serfdom was for a long while unrelieved, for lords and their slaves were equally ignorant. The only ark of hope and safety was the Church. Industry, like learning, was free in the hands of the monks. Whether imposed for the purpose of self-mortification, or adopted with a true insight into its humanising influences, it was pursued with pious devotion, and became an important element in the salvation of Europe. Then arose monastic guilds and grades of handicrafts, from masonry with its mystic symbolism, developed in cathedrals too grand for our imitation, to the simple cultivation of the soil, and devotion like that of Otho, Bishop of Bamberg.

This good Bishop, who is styled in the legends the Apostle of Pomerania, visited that country in 1124 for the purpose of converting the inhabitants: he observed that the art of making hy dromel was well understood, but it was thought unbecoming to substitute that liquor instead of wine in the sacrament of the Lord's Supper. When he returned in 1128, he brought with

him a large cask filled with young vines, which were planted by his directions, in order that he might be enabled to administer wine to the converts; for at that period laymen as well as ecclesiastics partook of the communion in both kinds. It is owing, without doubt, to the same cause, that the culture of the vine was introduced with Christianity into several northern coantries. Moehsen makes an important and curious remark on this subject: he affirms that the difficulty of obtaining wine in the north, otherwise than by commerce or an expensive cultivation, gave rise to the custom of communicating in one kind. "Thus," says that writer, "necessity brought about a sophism, by which the most solemn of all the institutions founded by the Author of Christianity was changed in its mode of adminis. tration."

The crusades extended over 200 years of European history -a period of many important social changes. Great as was the loss of life and treasure in the crusades, many benefits therefrom accrued to Europe, which with its spirit, sinews, and Christianity, had few of the arts of civilisation to give, but many to learn.

Wine was

To commence-First, the natural resources of Europe bore zo comparison with those of Asia and Africa. From the soil were obtained the bare necessaries of life, securing in the rudest fashion the essentials of food, warmth, and rest. Of substances used for food there were grain, flesh, and salt, in coarse abun dance; but the indigenous fruits were few, and unimproved, while the finer sorts had to be introduced from a distance. scarcely known, and the taste for spices had yet to be acquired. For clothing, linen and wool were the only fabrics woven. Cotton and silk were as little worn as diamonds and pearls. Acquaintance with these things, formerly confined to courts, excited a desire for them on the part of the Christians who had seen their profusion among the more refined nations of the East.

The Venetians and the Genoese, together with the Pisanese and the citizens of Marseilles and Barcelona, became the purveyors of food, clothing, and arms, as well as the owners of the transport vessels for the crusaders, and reaped thereby large profits. Following in the wake of the armies, they rivalled each other in concluding treaties, erecting factories, and founding settlements even on the enemy's shores; and the products of their enterprise were dispersed through Europe. Jealousies amongst the Italian cities, giving rise to wars, could not destroy the great advantage derived from the new produce imported into Europe, nor its general diffusion. Silk dresses, spices, perfumes, came into common use among the wealthy; and food, clothing, and household arrangements underwent a complete revolution. Commerce became almost entirely free. Woollens employed a multitude of workmen in Florence and Catalonia. The rearing of the silkworm gave rise to a staple of wealth in Italy and France. The Levantine commerce vivified the manufactures of Flanders, and the northern commerce in turn enlivened that of the Levant. Navigation, pursued with an ardour never befor witnessed, received the greatest impetus, when men learnt, from the Saracens, the French, or the Italians-for all claim the merit, and with some show of reason-to guide their course by the mysterious power of the magnet.

To keep pace with the growth of commerce, capital was economised, and credit used as a great agent of production by means of bills of exchange, interest on loans, and banking. The promiscuous customs, or unwritten law of the sea-the ancient usages of the Mediterranean states-were systematised, and agreed to by them all in the church of St. Sophia at Barcelona, as the established maritime code, or statutes of the sea (consolato del mare).

As religious fanaticism wore itself out, treaties of commerce began to be framed with the Saracen rulers in Syria, Tunis, Tripoli, and other parts of the Asiatic and African coasts, and thus the maritime traffic became extended and improved. The result on the land traffic of Europe was even more remarkable. Every Mediterranean port served as a centre for the diffusion of the fruits of labour. Commerce was incompatible with feu dalism. The wealth arising from industry and trade, which be longed to a class whose property was at the mercy of their lords was distinguished from land or real property by the name of chattels or movable property. The traders in towns, anxions to retain the produce of their labour, learnt to take advantage of their lord's necessities, and to make bargains with him for