legany mountains." The second, "an attack on Mexico." The Southern States of Kentucky and Tennessee promptly co-operated for the suppression of the enterprise. There were few or no Southern men engaged in this enterprise. Burr was arrested by a Southern President, and his memory is execrated to this day in the South as a traitor to his country.

The acquisition of Florida sprung from national causes. During the war of 1812, the savages from Michilimackinac to Mobile had banded to co-operate with our common foe. The British and Spanish Government had armed and harbored them. They were dislodged at Pensacola, even by a violation of international amity. At a later day, certain adventurers occupied points in Florida as a depot for contraband goods. The Revenue laws of the United States were violated with impunity. The peninsula of Florida commanded the whole course of domestic trade between the Mississippi and the Atlantic ports. The Gulf and reefs were infested with pirates and wreckers who enjoyed the connivance, if not the protection of the provincial authorities. Besides these national causes of annexation, there were also questions of commercial spoliations and unadjusted boundary between our government and that of Spain. These were the indictments to the annexation of Florida. They constituted a national necessity sufficient to overrule even the conflicting interests of the Southern Atlantic States.

"This cession was nevertheless received as the means of indemnifying our citizens in a considerable sum, the presumed amount of their losses. Other considerations of great weight urged the cession of the territory of Spain. It was surrounded by the territories of the United States on every side except that on the ocean. Spain had lost its authority over it, and falling into the hands of adventurers connected with savages, it was made the means of increasing annoyance and injury to our Union in many of its most essential interests. By this cession, then, Spain ceded a territory in reality of no value to her, and obtained concessions of the highest importance by the settlement of long standing differences with the United States, affecting their respective

claims and limits, and likewise relieved herself of the objection of a treaty, relating to it which she has failed to fulfil, and also from the responsibility incident to the most flagrant and pernicious abuses of her rights when she could not support her authority."

Such was the language of the Executive.*

The annexation of Texas was not a sectional, but a party question. The great mass of the Southern whigs headed by a Southern statesman, opposed its acquisition, the great mass of the Northern democrats advocated it.

The value of Texas depended almost entirely upon her capacity to produce the great material of Northern manufactures, and the expanded addition to the Northern Home market. The result of this annexation to the old Atlantic States, has been competition of land and labor. She has furnished a market for Northern goods, and employment for Northern Capital.

These are the chief acts of annexation performed by the Federal Government, and it will have been seen that in no case has annexation been proposed by the South, or failed to enure to the benefit of the North. Indeed, the manufacture of cotton imparts a greater value to cotton than even production. This article, neither spun, woven, nor to a great extent worn in the Southern States, employs Northern labor, brings freight to Northern ships, territorial and physical strength to the whole nation.

But says this insidious author, "What had in all this time been purchased for the North? Nothing. Not even a foot of land!" Were there no commercial wars? No treaties opening the trade ports of other nations to the enterprise of our own? No protection by bounties on Northern shipping, fisheries, and manufactures? No deposit of national millions to the credit of the Northern cities? "Not even a foot of Northern land!" Would Britain have sold a foot of her soil? Would she have ceded jurisdiction over the most barren spot in her Cisatlantic dominions? Would Canada come into the

Mr. Monroe's Message.

federal fold if invited to do so? Like Cuba, she prides herself in being loyal to the monarchy to which she has clung through every vicissitude. Until then it shall appear that there was any Northern territory which might have been acquired, it will be unjust to reproach the Government with partiality to the South. Until it shall have been proven that the Southern States have desired or profited by the acquisition of territory, they ought to be acquitted of the charge of having forced the policy upon the government. But in the same connection it is charged that,

The wars of the Republic have been undertaken for the aggrandizement of the Southern States.

In evidence of this, we are told that the Mexican War "was prosecuted for the boundary of Texas, so was war threatened for that of 54° 40'. It was fought in one case and compromised in the other. The Mexican war was advocated by Mr. Dallas, Mr. Marcy, Mr. Buchanan, and other Northern Statesmen. It was opposed by Mr. Calhoun, Mr. Clay, and other Southern Statesmen. But we need not take individual action as the explanation of national policy. The Congressional debates will show that it was regarded as a political, not a sectional question. The opposition endeavor to fasten upon the administration the responsibility of having waged the war for purposes of party aggrandizement. But we may ask what section profited most by that war? Its expenditure of more than one hundred millions was paid for the pork and mules of Cincinnati, the shipping of Boston, the merchandise of New York, the manufactures of Philadelphia, the military equipments of Springfield. The incidental advantages of exchange and deposits, upon this vast expenditure, and the purchase money of the new territory enured to the benefit of the banks and capitalists of the North.

This war resulted in the acquisition of California. California was organized and admitted into the Union as a free State. Its gold crop, valued at, perhaps, one hundred millions per annum, goes direct to New York, and even that is scarcely regarded as more than an equivalent for the provisions of the West, the manufactures and the freights of the North.

It is also asserted that the war of 1812 was undertaken for the South.

This theory of our author would imply that the South, having no commercial interest at stake, felt more keenly for the national honor, than that section directly interested in the freedom of the seas. This we do not choose to assert, but refer our readers for the causes of this war, and the comparative patriotism of those who waged it, to that standard work the Olive Branch, written by Matthew Carey, of Philadelphia. We are contented to leave the defence of the South upon this point in the hands of a citizen of the North.

We think we have established that the war and acquisitions of the Republic have been made at the instance and resulted to the advantage of the Northern States.

Having demonstrated the immorality and offences of the South to his own satisfaction, the work under review undertakes to prove that the prosperity of the North is greater than that of the South. The first branch of this proposition states the manufacturing prosperity of the North, and estimates its value by computing every thing that enters into the production of its fabrics. This wealth is attributed to the frequency of social "exchanges which are repeated from month to month, throughout the year. The market-gardener furnishes cabbages and potatoes, peas and beans, to the man who converts them into coal. Thence they go as coal, to another, who converts them into pig-iron; thence to the rolling-mill, whence they come out as bars; thence to the shops, from which they come out as axes, spades, plows, or steam-engines; and thus there is a constant and unceasing motion in the produce of the North, and from this motion come the 'power and gain,' which by our Southern friends are attributed to the Union. The manufactures of Massachusetts amount to not less than $150,000,000. Her shoe manufacture alone is $37,000,000. Those of the city of New York, in 1850, amounted to $105,000,000, and those of Philadelphia were fully equal, and probably greater. Those of Cincinnati were $40,000,000. Pittsburg and Cincinnati must now considerably exceed a hundred

millions. At the present time they are all very far greater in amount. The iron trade, in its various departments, from the smelting of the ore to the finishing of the steam-engine, cannot be estimated at the present time at less than $130,000,000, nor the coal trade at less than $20,000,000; the manufacture of ships is more than $20,000,000; newspapers, magazines, and engravings, amount to many millions. Add to the infinite quantity of manufactures scattered throughout New England, New York, Pennsylvania, and other northern States, the mining of lead and copper, the enormous product of lumber, the ice trade, the production of houses, and the quantity of labor and manure applied to the improvement of land, while the South is every where exhausting its soil; and it will readily be seen how enormous is the production of the North as compared with that of the South. The earnings of canals, canal boats, and railroads are $80,000,000; and if we estimate the value of the property carried at only ten times the cost of transportation, we obtain $800,000,000. The tonnage of the North is little short of four millions, almost half a million of which is moved by steam; and if we take the gross earnings of this at only one dollar per ton, per month, we have nearly fifty millions, but they are probably considered above a hundred millions. The net value of the property transported on the lakes and rivers, by canals, in coasters, and on railroads, is estimated by Mr. Andrews, in his Report on the Colonial and Lake Trade, (p. 905,) at 3,120,000,000; but a very small proportion of which, as our readers have seen, comes from the South."

We should not consider even the demonstrations of this proposition conclusive of the main argument, that the North was less dependent upon the common form of government than the South. This we shall endeavor to show.

The proposition, that the Northern prosperity is greater than that of the South, is enforced with the following axioms:

1. The profit upon a customer depends upon his ability to purchase.