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opportunities do they afford to tamper with domeftic factions, to practife the arts of feduction, to miflead public opinion, to influence or awe the public councils? Such an attachment of a small or weak, towards a great or powerful nation, dooms the former to be fatellite of the latter.

Against the infidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellow citizens) the jealoufy of a free people ought to be constantly awake; fince hiftory and experience prove, that foreign influence is one of the moft baneful foes of a republican government. But that jealoufy to be ufeful must be impartial; elfe it becomes the inftrument of the very influence to be avoided, inftead of a defence against it. Exceflive partiality for one foreign nation, and exceffive diflike of another, cause those whom they actuate to fee danger only on one fide, and ferve to veil and even fecond the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may refift the intrigues of the favourites, are liable to become fufpected and odious; while its tools and dupes ufurp the applaufe and confidence of the people, to furrender their interefts.

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as poffible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith.-Here let us stop.

Europe has a fet of primary interefts, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence the must be engaged in frequent controverfies, the caufes of which

are effentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwife in us to implicate ourfelves by artificial ties in the ordinary viciffitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collifions of her friendships or enmities.

Our detached and diftant fituation invites and enables us to pursue a different courfe. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take fuch an attitude as will caufe the neutrality we may at any time refolve upon to be fcrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impoffibility of making acquifitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our intereft, guided by juftice, fhall counfel.

Why forego the advantages of fo peculiar a fituation? Why quit our own to ftand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our deftiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and profperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, intereft, humour, or caprice?

'Tis our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances, with any portion of the foreign world; fo far, I mean, as we are now at li berty to do it; for let me be not understood as capable of patronifing infidelity to exifting engagements. I hold the maxim no lefs applicable to public, than to private affairs, that honefly is always the beft policy. I repeat it, there fore, let thofe engagements be obferved, in their genuine fenfe.

But

But in my opinion, it is unnecessary and would be unwise to extend them. Taking care always to keep yourselves, by suitable establishments, on a respectable defenfive pofture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

Harmony, liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy Theuld hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favours or preferences, confulting the natural course of things: diffufing and diverfifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers so dif posed, in order to give trade a taple course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them; conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view that it is folly in one nation to look for difinterested favours from another: that it must pay with a proportion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that, by fuch acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect or calculate upon real favours from nation to nation. It is an illufion which experience must cure; which a jutt pride ought to difcard.

In offering to you, my country

men, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lafting impreffion I could with; that they will controul the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations But if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occafional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foroign intrigue, to guard against the impoftors of pretended patriotism; this hopewill be a full recompence for the folicitnde of your welfare, by which they have been dictated.

How far in the discharge of my official duties I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct muft witness to you and to the world. To myself the afsurance of my own confcience is, that I have at least believed myself to be guided by them.

In relation to the ftill fubfifting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approved voice, and by that of your reprefentatives in both houses of congrefs, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well fatisfied that our country, under all the circumstances of the cafe, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest to take a neutral pofition.

pofition. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with mederation, perfeverance and firm nefs.

The confiderations which respect the right to hold this conduct it is not neceffary on this occafion to detail. I will only observe, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, fo far from being denied by any of the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, without any thing more, from the obligation which justice and humanity impose on every nation in cafes in which it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations.

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will beft be referred to your own reflections and experience. With me a predominant motive has been to endeavour to gain time to our country to fettle and mature its yet recent inftitutions, and to progress without interruption, to that degree of ftrength and confiftency, which is neceflary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own for

tunes.

Though in reviewing the incidents of adminiftration I am unconfcious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I may have committed many errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently befeech th Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they may tend. I shall alfo carry with me the hope that my country will never ceafe to view them with indulgence; and that after forty

five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be configned to oblivion, as myself must soon be to the manfions of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things, and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man who views in it the native foil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleafing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking, in the midst of my fellow citizens, the benign influence of good laws, under a free government, the ever favourite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I truft of our mutual cares, labours, and dangers.

G. WASHINGTON. United States, Sept. 17, 1796.

Note from the French Envoy, Citizen Adet, to the Executive Government of America.

THE undersigned minister plenipotentiary of the French republic, in conformity to the order of his government, has the honour of tranfmitting to the secretary of state of the United States, a refolution taken by the executive government of the French republic, on the 14th Meffidor, 4th year, relative to the conduct which the ships of war of the republic are to hold towards neutral veffels. flag of the republic will treat the flag of neutrals in the fame manner as they shall fuffer it to be treated by the English.

The

The fentiments which the American government have manifested to the undersigned minifter plenipotentiary,

23d of the fame month, the Americans from the operation of this general order. But the convention was obliged foon to repeal the law which contained this exception fo favourable to Americans; the manner in which the English conducted themfeles, the manifeft' intention they had to ftop the exportation of provifion from America to France, rendered it unavoidable.

The national convention by this had reftored the equilibrium of neutrality which England had deftroyed; had discharged their duty in a manner juftified by a thoufand paft examples, as well as by the neceffity of the then exifting moment. They might, therefore, to recall the orders they had given to feize the enemy's property on board American veffels, have waited till the British government had first definitively revoked the fame order, a fufpenfion only of which was produced by the embargo laid by Congrefs the 26th of March, 1794. But as foon as they were informed that, under orders of the government of the United States, Mr. Jay was directed to remonftrate against the vexatious measures of the English, they gave orders, by the law of the 13th Nivofe, 3d year, to the thips of war of the republic to refpe&t American veffels; and the committee of public fafety, in their explanatory refolve of the 14th of the fame month, haftened to fanction the fame principles. The national convention and the committee of public safety had every reafon to believe, that this open and liberal conduct would determine the United States to use every effort to put a stop to the vexations impofed upon their commerce, to the injury of the French

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potentiary, do not permit him to doubt, that they will fee in its true light this meafure, as far as it may concern the United States; and that they will alfo feel, that it is dictated by imperious circumftances, and approved by juftice. Great Britain during the war the has carried on against the republic, has not ceafed ufing every means in her power to add to that fcourge fcourges ftill more terrible. She has ufed the well-known liberality of the French nation to the detriment of that nation. Knowing how faithful France has always been in the obfervance of her treaties; knowing that it was a principle of the republic to respect the flags of all nations, the British government, from the beginning of the war, has caufed neutral veffels, and in particular American veffels, to be detained, taken them into their ports, and dragged from them Frenchmen and French property. France bound by a treaty with the United States, could find only a real difadvantage in the articles of that treaty, which caused to be refpected as American property English property found on board American veffels. They had a right, under this confideration, to expect that America would take fteps in favour of her violated neutrality. One of the predeceffors of the underfigned, in July 1793, ap. plied on this fubject to the government of the United States; but he was not fuccessful. Nevertheless the national convention, who, by their decree of the 9th of May, 1793, had ordered the feizure of enemy's property on board neutral veffels, declaring, at the fame time, that the measure should ceafe when the English fhould refpe&t neutral flags, had excepted, on the VOL. XXXVIII,

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republic; they were deceived in this hope; and though the treaty of friendthip, navigation, and commerce, between Great Britain and the United States had been figned fix weeks before France adopted the meafure I have just fpoken of, the English did not abandon the plan they had formed, and continued to ftop and carry into their ports all American vessels bound to French ports, or returning from them.

This conduct was the subject of a note which the underfigned addrefied on the 7th Vendemaire, 4th year (29th September 1795, O. S.) to the secretary of state. The remouftrances which it contained were founded on the duties of neutrality, upon the principles which Mr. Jefferfon bad laid down in his letter to Mr. Pinckncy, dated the 13th September, 1794

Yet this note has remained without an anfwer, though recalled to the remembrance of the fecretary of fiate by a dispatch of the 9th Germinal, 4th year (29th March 1796, O. S); and American vertels bound to French ports, or returning from thorn, have ftill been foized by the English. Indeed more; they have added a new vexation to those they had already impofed upon the Americans; they have icapteffed foamen from on board 'merican veilels, and have thus found the means of firengthening their crews at the expence of the Americans, without the government of the United States having made known to the underfigned the fteps they had taken to 2 obtain fatisfaction for this violation of neutrality, fo hurtful to the interefts of France, as the underfigued bath set forth in his dif-,

patches to the secretary of ftate of the gth Germinal, 4th year (29th March 1796, O. S.), 19th Germinal (8th April 1796), and ift Floreal (20th April, 1796), which have remained without an anfwer,

The French government then finds itself, with refpect to America at the present time, in circumstances fimilar to those of the year 1795; and if it fees itself obliged to abandon, with respect to them, and the neutral powers in general, the favourable line of conduct they pursued, and to adopt different meafures, the blame should fall upon the British government: it is their conduct which the Frencht government has been obliged to follow.

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The undersigned minifter plenipotentiary conceives it his duty to remark to the fecretary of state, that the neutral governments, the allies of the republic, have nothing to fear as to the treatment of their flag by the French, fince if keeping within the bounds of their neutrality, they cause the rights of that neutrality to be refpected by the English, the republic will respect them. But ifthrough weaknels, partiality, or other motives, they thould fuffer the English to sport with that neutrality, and turn it to their advantage, could they then complain, when France, to reftore the balance of neutrality to its equilibrium, thall act in the fame manner as the English ? No, certainly; for the neutrality of a nation confifts in granting to belligerent powers the fame advantages; and that neutrality no longer exills, when, in the courte of the war, that neutral nation grants to one of the belligerent powere

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