gatory; and the national debt will, notwithstanding that apparatus, be annually increased by an amount equal to the deficit in the re

venue.

3,000,000

The annual interest on the existing debt amounts to $2,220,000 And estimating the interest on the new debt at The sum which, on the annual appropriation of eight millions, would, at the restoration of peace, be applicable to the payment of principal, is

2,780,000

8,000,000

A sum somewhat less than the presumed surplus of three millions, as above stated, and which will be nearly sufficient to reimburse before the year 1823 the whole existing debt of the United States, with the exception of the three per cent. stock. The loans contracted during the war being made irredeemable for at least ten years, the first reimbursement would fall on that year: and the whole of the appropriations of eight millions after deducting 485,000 dollars for the interest of the three per cent. stock, would henceforth be applicable to the payment of the interest and principal of the new debt. The precise period of final extinguishment, and the precise amount of annual payments will depend on the terms of the loans, and on the number of years for which it may be necessary to make each loan irredeemable. But this skecth is sufficient to show, 1st, That no inconvenience will arise in making the loans irredeemable for ten years, since there is not much probability that they could be sooner discharged. 2dly, That the appropriation of eight millions will be sufficient for their final reimbursement. 3dly, That that reimbursement, and that of the whole debt of the United States (the three per cent. stock excepted) will probably be effected within fifteen years after the restoration of peace. It must always be remembered that those estimates are predicated on the supposition that an additional revenue to the amount already stated, will be provided, and that the increase of debt, during the war, will not exceed fifty millions.

In answering the inquiries of the committee on subjects so intimately connected with the most important questions of national concern, it became an imperious duty to represent every circumstance precisely as it was, or appeared to be, and without exaggerating or disguising any of the difficulties which must be encountered.

To understand these to their full extent will afford the best means of overcoming them; and there is none which appears insurmountable or even discouraging. What appears to be of vital importance is, that the crisis should at once be met by the adoption of efficient measures, which will with certainty provide means commensurate with the expense, and by preserving unimpaired, instead of abusing, that public credit on which the public resources so eminently depend, will enable the United States to persevere

in the contest until an honorable peace shall have been obtained. I have the honour to be, with great respect, sir, your obedient servant, ALBERT GALLATIN.

Honourable Ezekiel Bacon,

chairman committee of ways and means.

MESSAGE

From the President of the United States, transmitting copies of certain Documents obtained from John Henry, &c.

March 9th, 1812.-Read and referred to the committee on Foreign Relations, with power to send for persons, papers and records.

To the Senate and House of

Representatives of the United States.

I LAY before congress copies of certain documents which remain in the department of state. They prove that, at a recent period, whilst the United States, notwithstanding the wrongs sustained by them, ceased not to observe the laws of peace and neutrality towards Great Britain, and in the midst of amicable professions and negotiations on the part of the British government, through its public minister here, a secret agent of that government was employed in certain states, more especially at the seat of government in Massachusetts, in fomenting disaffection to the constituted authorities of the nation, and in intrigues with the disaffected, for the purpose of bringing about resistance to the laws, and, eventually, in concert with a British force, of destroying the union and forming the eastern part thereof into a political connection with Great Britain.

In addition to the effect which the discovery of such a procedure ought to have on the public councils, it will not fail to render more dear to the hearts of all good citizens, that happy union of these states, which under Divine Providence, is the guaranty of their liberties, their safety, their tranquillity, and their prosperity. JAMES MADISON.

March 9th, 1812.

DOCUMENTS.

A.

[COPY.]

SIR,

Philadelphia, February 20th, 1812. Much observation and experience have convinced me, that the injuries and insults with which the United States have been so long and so frequently visited, and which cause their present embarrassment, have been owing to an opinion entertained by foreign states," That in any measure tending to wound their pride, or

provoke their hostility, the government of this country could never induce a great majority of its citizens to concur." And, as many of the evils which flow from the influence of this opinion on the policy of foreign nations, may be removed by any act that can produce UNANIMITY AMONG ALL PARTIES IN AMERICA, I voluntarily tender to you, sir, such means as I possess towards promoting so desirable and important an object; which if accomplished, cannot fail to extinguish, perhaps for ever, those expectations abroad, which may protract indefinitely an accommodation of existing differences, and check the progress of industry and prosperity in this rising empire.

I have the honour to transmit herewith the documents and correspondence relating to an important mission, in which I was employed by Sir James Craig, the late governor general of the British provinces in North America, in the winter of the year 1809.

The publication of these papers will demonstrate a fact not less valuable than the good already proposed; it will prove that no reliance ought to be placed on the professions of good faith of an administration, which, by a series of disastrous events, has fallen into such hands as a Castlereagh, a Wellesley or a Liverpool: I should rather say, into the hands of the stupid subalterns, to whom the pleasures and the indolence of those ministers have consigned it. In contributing to the good of the United States by an exposition, which cannot (I think) fail to solve and melt all division and disunion among its citizens; I flatter myself with the fond expectation, that when it is made public in England, it will add one great motive to the many that already exist, to induce that nation to withdraw its confidence from MEN, WHOSE POLITICAL CAREER IS A FRUITFUL SOURCE OF INJURY AND EMBARRASSMENT IN AMERICA; OF INJUSTICE AND MISERY IN IRELAND; OF DISTRESS AND APPREHENSION IN ENGLAND; AND CONTEMPT EVERY WHERE.

In making this communication to you, sir, I deem it incumbent on me, distinctly and unequivocally to state, that I adopt no party views; that I have not changed any of my political opinions; that I neither seek nor desire the patronage, nor countenance of any government, nor of any party; and, that in addition to the motives already expressed, I AM INFLUENCED BY A JUST RESENTMENT of

THE PERFIDY AND DISHONOUR OF THOSE WHO FIRST VIOLATED THE

CONDITIONS UPON WHICH I RECEIVED THEIR CONFIDENCE; Who have injured me, and disappointed the expectations of my friends; and left me no choice, but between a degrading acquiescence in injustice, and a retaliation, which is necessary to secure to me my

own respect.

This wound will be felt where it is merited; and if SIR JAMES CRAIG still live, his share of the pain will excite no sympathy among those who are at all in the secret of our connection. I have the honour to be, Sir, your obedient servant, &c. &c.

(Signed)

To James Monroe, Esq. Secretary of state.

J. HENRY.

No. I.-[COPY.]

Mr. Ryland, Secretary to Sir James Craig, Governor General of Canada, to Mr. Henry.

Most secret and confidential.

Quebec, 26th January, 1809.

MY DEAR SIR, The extraordinary situation of things at this time in the neighbouring states, has suggested to the governor in chief, the idea of employing you on a secret and confidential mission to Boston, provided an arrangement can be made to meet the important end in view, without throwing an absolute obstacle in the way of your professional pursuits. The information and political observations heretofore received from you, were transmitted by his excellency to the secretary of state, who has expressed his particular approbation of them; and there is no doubt that your able execution of such a mission as I have above suggested, would give you claim not only on the governor general, but on his majesty's ministers, which might eventually contribute to your advantage. You will have the goodness therefore to acquaint me, for his excellency's information, whether you could make it convenient to engage in a mission of this nature, and what pecuniary assistance would be requisite to enable you to undertake it without injury to yourself.

At present it is only necessary for me to add, that the governor would furnish you with a cypher for carrying on your correspondence; and that in case the leading party in any of the states wished to open a communication with this government, their views might be communicated through you. I am, with great truth and regard, my dear sir, your most faithful, humble servant, HERMAN W. RYLAND.

(Signed)

No II. [COPY.]

Sir James Craig, Governor General of Canada, to Mr. Henry.` Most secret and confidential.

SIR, Quebec, 6th February, 1809. As you have so readily undertaken the service, which I have suggested to you, as being likely to be attended with much benefit to the public interests, I am to request that with your earliest conveniency, you will proceed to Boston.

The principal object that I recommend to your attention, is the endeavor to obtain the most accurate information of the true state of affairs in that part of the Union, which from its wealth, the number of its inhabitants, and the known intelligence and ability of several of its leading men, must naturally possess a very considerable influence over, and will indeed probably lead the other eastern states of America in the part that they may take at this important crisis.

I shall not pretend to point out to you the mode by which you will be most likely to obtain this important information; your own judgment and the connections which you may have in the town, VOL. III. APP. + S

must be your guide. I think it however necessary to put you on your guard against the sanguineness of an aspiring party; the federalists, as I understand, have at all times discovered a leaning to this disposition, and their being under its particular influence at this moment, is the more to be expected from their having no ill founded ground for their hopes of being nearer the attainment of their object than they have been for some years past.

In the general terms which I have made use of in describing the object which I recommend to your attention, it is scarcely necessary that I should observe, I include the state of the public opinions, both with regard to their internal politics, and to the probability of a war with England; the comparative strength of the two great parties into which the country is divided, and the views and designs of that which may ultimately prevail.

It has been supposed that if the federalists of the eastern states should be successful in obtaining that decided influence, which may enable them to direct the public opinion, it is not improbable that rather than submit to a continuance of the difficulties and distress to which they are now subject, they will exert that influence to bring about a separation from the general Union. The earliest information on this subject, may be of great consequence to our government, as it may also be, that it should be informed, how far in such an event they would look up to England for assistance, or be disposed to enter into a connexion with us.

Although it would be highly inexpedient that you should in any manner appear as an avowed agent, yet if you could contrive to obtain an intimacy with any of the leading party, it may not be improper that you should insinuate, though with great caution, that if they should wish to enter into any communication with our government through me, you are authorized to receive any such, and will safely transmit it to me; and as it may not be impossible that they should require some document by which they may be assured that you are really in the situation in which you represent yourself, I inclose a credential to be produced in that view; but I most particularly enjoin and direct that you do not make any use of this paper, unless a desire to that purpose should be expressed, and unless you see good ground for expecting that the doing so may lead to a more confidential communication than you can otherwise look for.

In passing through the state of Vermont, you will of course exert your endeavors to procure all the information that the short stay you will probably make there will admit of. You will use your own discretion as to delaying your journey, with this view, more or less in proportion to your prospects of obtaining any information of consequence.

I request to hear from you as frequently as possible; and as letters directed to me might excite suspicion, it may be as well, that you put them under cover to Mr.and as even the addressing letters always to the same person might attract notice, I recom