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PARLIAMENTARY HISTORY.

A Concife Hiftory of the Proceedings of the prefent Seffion of Parliament, began and bolden at Westminster, on Thursday the 25th Day of November, 1779. Being the SIXTH Seffion of the Fourteenth Parliament of Great-Britain.

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(Continued from our laft Magazinë, page 25.)

HOUSE OF LORD S.

Tuesday, December 7.

HE Duke of Richmond, who had or dered the Houfe to be fummoned for this day, made a motion to the following purport: "That an humble addrefs be prefented to his Majesty, beseeching his Majefly graciously to turn his attention to the diftracted and impoverished ftate of his etpire; and to reflect on the very heavy expences of the ftate in every department, wherein profufion prevailed inftead of that rigid ceconomy which publick neceffity required. To affure his Majefty that every member of that House, holding any place or office of emolument under government, would moft readily give up fuch proportions of those emoluments, as his Majefty in his wifdom fhould think proper; and further expreffing their hopes, that his Majefty, in confideration of the diftreffes of his people, would be graciously pleafed to relinquifi part of his Civil Lift revenue, to be applied to the publick service."

In explaining the motives for this addrefs, the duke took occafion to give a fummary ftate of the nation with respect to its trength and refources, depending as he afferted, on his friend Mr. David Hartley's accurate calculations. Our military force by land and fea he computed at 370,000 men, and the national debt including the fums to be raised this year, at 198,000,ocol, upon a fuppofition that the war was to end with the next year, he said, it would be neceffary to raife 13,000,000l. to wind up the expences at the close of it, in which cafe the funded debt would amount to trvo bundred and eleven millions; and the intereft of this enormous debt could not be paid, but by fresh exactions, by new taxes, and oppreffions of the people, which they would be unable to bear. From thefe premifes he concluded, that a reform in our national expences, by cutting off a number of finecure places and penfions, and by reducing the extravagant falaries of various offices, was one of the two meafures left for the prefervation of the remainder of the British empire. Another method of retrieving the loft glory and power of the nation was, to call forth the abilities of men of every rank, and to fill every department of the state with men of fuch defcriptions, instead of continuing minifters in office, whofe inability LOND, MAG, Feb. 1780.

had reduced us to our prefent deplorable condition. As to the Civil Lift revenue, he approved of the annual augmentation made to it three years fince, but he thought the cirucmftances of the nation fo much altered, that the crown fhould be contented with lefs, and fet an example of economy.

The Earl of Derby feconded the motion, he informed the House that he had voted for the augmentation of the Civil Lift reve nue as a very proper measure at the time, but as he now faw the difference in the circumstances of the nation, he should fupport the addrefs.

It was evident from the turn of the debate in favour of the address, that refcinding the augmentation of icô,000l. granted to the king at the time mentioned, was the object of the addrefs fo far as it related to his majesty.

Lord Stormont fpoke with great coolness and found argument against the motion : be confeffed that in his idea no regard had been paid to economy in the expenditure of the publick money in any department of the state, under any administration for as many years back as he could remember; and if any general plan could be adopted now, he would heartily concur in it; he thought it neceffary: but the pitiful fum that could be taken from the Civil Lift, would be but as a drop in the ocean, and it would have a very bad look at foreign courts; that we were in fo poor a ftate as to want to take back what we had voluntarily given to our fovereign for the maintenance of his family. What likewife would be the effect of fuch a proceeding upon the people? Would not they confider the nation as undone, and be thrown into a state of defpondency by the reflexion Defpair, the only thing wanting to complete the lift of our misfortunes would be the refult of the noble duke's expedient, therefore in his opinion, it was of all others that which ought moft to be avoided. As to what the noble duke had faid about the refources of this country, compared with thofe of our enemies, he had only to observe, that he did not think the comparison proved any thing: the arguments deduced from it had on application, admitting all the calculations in which they were involved to be true, for the queftion at prefent was; Shall we perfevere in a war entered into on the moft 1

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honourable grounds, or fhall we fubmit to a difgraceful peace? The latter every body reprobated. What then was the other alternative? Why to profecute the war; that being admitted, all reprefentations of the inferior ftate of our finances was improper, as carrying with them intimations, of which the enemy might avail themselves.

The Earl of Effingbam judiciously obferved, that many of the great officers of the crown, fuch as the Lord Chancellor and the Secretaries of State gained their salaries with great fatigue and anxiety; but confidering the motion in an enlarged light, he could not fee the neceffity for a paymaster of the forces enjoying immenfe emoluments for very little trouble. He therefore was for the motion, as it aimed at general reformation in the difpofal of the publick re

venue.

The Earl of Shelburne pointed out many offices in which favings might be made, and particularly dwelt on the charge in the Civil Lift for the foreign minifters (that is, our minifters at foreign courts.) He faid this article in the time of King William amounted only to 40,000l. a year, when we were at the head of a moft powerful confederacy of the principal powers of Europe against the House of Bourbon, and were obliged to have minifters at every court. It bad increafed only to 50,000l. in the brighteft period of glory in the late reign; but now he believed it amounted to 90,000l. yet we had not a fingle alliance with any power of Europe, nor the leaft hopes of any. His lordship was pointed in his animadverfions on Lord Stormont, who he faid had received very great fums of the publick money to fupport his embaffies at a great expence at different foreign courts, and particularly at Vienna, when that court only maintained an envoy with a trifling falary at London.

But he faid the publick would now reap the benefit, fince his lordship, from his great weight and character at the courts of Europe, must have feifed opportunities of forming connexions and friendships with foreign minifters, which might open alliances for this country in the hour of diftrefs; and we had reafon to hope it from the expectations formed of his lordship's abilities, mentioned in every newspaper, and from his having had the boldness to accept the feals of fecretary of ftate in such a time of publick danger.

Lord Stormont in reply to the infinuations of the Earl of Shelburne refpecting himself, only faid thefe few words-" As to the large fums I have received, they were only the ufual appointments of ambaffadors, I did my duty in that ftation, I had the honour and happiness to meet with approbation, I will do my duty in my prefent fitua

tion, and I hope my conduct if it should be below praise, will at least be above cenfure."

The Marquis of Rockingham contended for the motion on conftitutional grounds; our political fyftem in his opinion required an immediate alteration: the influence of the crown was become too extensive, and this motion had an excellent tendency to remedy that evil, which if not removed would end in the ruin of the country. He observed that Queen Anne had once given 100,000l. from her income to affist her fubjects in carrying on a war against France, and that his late majefty had given 700,000), for the relief of his fubjects in time of war; after thefe examples, he thought every part of the motion justifiable and expedient at this time when we are profecuting a most burthen fome war.

Earl Bathurst faid, if the nation was really come to fuch a crifis of misfortune, as the noble lords had afferted, it would be better to imitate Holland in a former æra of great diftrefs, when every man freely put what he thought proper into the publick Treafury: no man knew what another gave, yet it was found to amount to a fourth part of every man's property.

The Lord Chancellor thought proofs ought to have been brought to parliament of the waste of the publick treasure; and as to the Civil Lift, if that was to be reduced, it ought to be done by the fame mode that it was augmented, by act of parliament, and not by an address of one Houfe.

On a divifion the motion was rejected, by 67 non-contents against 37 contents, proxies included.

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ment-but he apprehended that this was erroneous; the different branches of the land establishments might and did interfere with each other, but very little or nothing with the navy. However, that there was not the least reason to object to the one service rather than any other, as there was not the malleft apprehenfion of the noble lord in the blue ribbon being unable to provide by publick credit for both.

Sir Charles Bunbury oppofed the vote for the estimate propofed by the Right Hon. Secretary at War on account of the immenfity of the fums, which he contended could not be gained by the noble lord in the blue ribbon; or if gained, it must be at the expence of the very laft refources of the kingdom, which would be drained and exhausted even to bankruptcy, if this devouring war was perfifted in at the expence of fuch amafing eftimates. He called upon the country gentlemen to confider in time the refult of that support they gave to the -prefent administration. His expreflions-his call-would not be attended to; but he was certain there would be eloquence more powerful than his in the pleadings of ruined tenants, ftagnating commerce, and bankrupt manufacturers; that the events which were hourly paffing before their eyes, gave them every reafon to believe that their diftreffes would be univerfal; they fpread to his knowledge through the country, with a celerity that ought to alarm every confiderate man. He adverted to the danger to the conftitution, which must refult from fuch prodigious eftablishments; as they gave the crown, an influence which he thought ought to alarm every friend to that fyftem of liberty which had exalted this kingdom.

Mr. Fox demanded of the minifters to know, if it was the plan of government to profecute the American war offensively in North America; he faid that, without this queftion being answered, it was impoffible for him to know how to give a vote. If that war was to be perfifted in, he had the cleareft proof in the events of the last campaign, that the number of troops was much too fmall to be attended with any effect; on the contrary, if that war was not to be profecuted, then he should contend that the number now called upon to be voted were much larger than was neceffary.

Lord George Germaine answered him, that it was the intention of government certainly not to abandon the American war; but if the honourable gentleman expected him to explain the degree of offenfive measures that were to be pursued, it was impoffible for him to tell; and if he could, he should think it highly improper, for reafons obvious enough. However, he should repeat, that it was not meant to abandon that war.

Mr. Fox then rofe again, and in a long

fpeech entered into a variety of matter, in fo large a compafs, that it is not easy to follow him. He faid, it was now granted that the war was to be carried on in America as ufual; for if this was not the plan, certainly the noble fecretary would have explained the intention. Could it be neceffary to enter into any difquifition on that fubject? This curfed, abominable, abfurd war was to be profecuted in defiance of all experience, and all common fenfe. Let but gentlemen confider the reprefentations which had, at different times, been made then upon this fubject. They had been repeatedly told that half, or more than half America were in favour of government; that in addition to that, we had a corps of provincials in our fervice, equal to what the Congrefs had in their's. We know that in addition to all this, we had 79,000 men employed there, British and foreign, and now we are called to vote that force again. For what? For impoffibilities; for if, with the people more than equally divided, with an equal force of American troops, we ought, without any thing more, to have had a clear fuperiority, and to have reduced the colonists to obedience, What then ought we not to have done with above 70,000 men added? Does not this fhow clearly the abfurdity, madness, and folly of thefe meafures, in which government is determined to perfift, till the whole empire is involved in one common ruin?

The question was then called for, and carried without a divifion.

Thursday, Dec. 9.

Lord North agreeable to the notice he had given a week before, laid before the House his three propofitions for the relief of Ireland; which were as follow:

Firft, To repeal the act of parliament which prohibits the exportation of Irish wool, and woollen manufactures from the kingdom of Ireland.

Second, To repeal fo much of an act as prohibits the exportation of glass, glass bottles, and other articles of glafs manufacture from the kingdom of Ireland, to any part of Europe, the British colonies in America, the West Indies, and the British fettlements on the coaft of Africa.

Third, That Ireland fhould be permitted to carry on commerce in exports and imports to and from the British colonies in America, and other fettlements, fubject only to fuch limitations and duties as the parlia ment of Ireland fhould impofe.

His lordship in hort explanations informed the Houle, that all the Irish wished for, was comprehended in thefe propofitions, he declared that they had not given the leaft hint of a defire to have any alteration made in their political conftitution, and in answer to what had been thrown out of their com1 2

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pelling England to grant their unreafonable demands, he affirmed that their addreffes and applications to the throne had been modeft, detent, and rather in the ftyle of petitions than demands. Though he was certain Ireland would be fatified if the propofitions were paffed into laws, yet it was not his intention to furprise any gentleman, on the contrary he wished to have them duely weighed, and for that end, he should lay them on the table, and only move that a committee of the whole House should be appointed to take them into confideration, together with all the papers before the Houfe relative to the trade, revenues, &c. of Ireland on the following Monday.

Sir George Yonge alone expreffed his apprehenfions, that the propofitions though they might fatisfy Ireland, would alarm and diffatisfy all England from one end to the

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Friday, Dec. 10.

Mr. Wood, the new member for Middlefex, prefented to the House, a very long petition figned by a great number of freehold ers of that county, complaining of a violation of their own rights and of the rights and privileges of all the electors of GreatBritain, by the interpofition of minifterial influence at elections; and particularly ftating the conduct of Lord North upon the laft vacancy for Middlefex occafioned by the death of Serjeant Glynn: his lordship having fecretly promised to grant the Chiltern Hundreds to one gentleman (whom he knew to be not the object of their choice) to enable him to vacate his prefent feat in parliament and become a candidate for Middlefex; and refused them to another whom they wished to have elected; by which partial refusal of the vacating office to him, he could not become a candidate. They complained likewife of the evil confequences of leaving fuch an unconftitutional controul over elections in the hands of any minifter, and prayed relief, Finally, the petition recited several inftances of national calamity and ill fuccefs, befeeching the Houfe to enter into a serious enquiry into the caufes of our prefent wretched fituation.

The petition being received, Mr. Wilkes ftated in a concife manner, the neceffity of giving due attention to the different objects of the petition, of all them being of the utmost importance, and in order to have a full House, and that proper time might be given

to the members to weigh the contents in their own minds he moved a general call of the House on the firft of February, and that the petition fhould be taken into confideration on the third.

Mr. Wood then moved " For leave to bring in a bill to enable any member of that House to be a candidate for any county, city, or borough," that is to fay, without being obliged to accept a place in order to vacate his actual feat, before he can be a candidate to represent another county, city, or borough. Should this bill pafs into a law, the minifterial power of granting the Chiltern Hundreds ceases.

The motion was agreed to, after a short obfervation by Lorth North, his lordship faid he had no objection to bringing in the bill, but he defired it might be remembered that as it proposed a very material alteration in the conftitution, he should confider it as a bill that required very serious difcuflion in its progrefs.

Colonel Tufnel then entered into a justification of his late conduct in applying for the Chiltern Hundreds, and a vindication of Lord North in granting him the promise: he faid no other candidate having farted in the courfe of a fortnight, he concluded he had a right to apply for the vacating office, never dreaming any oppofition was intended; but on finding an oppofition was fet up, in order to preferve the peace of the county he had declined.

Lord North gave a plain, clear account of the applications of Colonel Tuffnel and Mr. Byng, and faid he fhould be glad if fome better mode could be deviled to free. the Chancellor of the Exchequer from the difagreeable fituation he was thrown into by refufing or granting the ftewardship of the Chiltern Hundreds; it was a power he thought vested in that officer for the convenience of the members of the Houfe; it could be of no fervice to the minister, and he only doubted the efficacy of the bill proposed.

Mr. T. Townshend replied to all the reflexions thrown out by Col. Tuffnell, refpecting the meetings of the freeholders; and though the colonel had afferted that he could have carried his election if he had not preferred the quiet of the county, he declared he had found but one man, after feven days canvass, who faid he was to vote for him, and he was under very unhappy circumstances, which he fancied the honourable member would not wish to have mentioned.

Mr. Byng related the progress of his ap plication to the county, and to Lord North; his chief point of blame he refted on his lordship's giving only a verbal reply to his letter (fent to him on a Monday) telling him he should be in town, and would write

him an answer on Thurfday.-This lofs of three days, he faid, might lofe a candidate his election, by fufpending his canvaffing: all he wanted was a direct answer, Yes or No, which might have been given in an hour. This delay did not look very canfid and in the interval, certain communications might take place between the colonel's friend (he wished the House might be told who that friend was) and his lordship.

Lord North in a very long explanatory fpeech, urged the expediency of forming them into refolutions of the committee, in order to be reported to the House, that billa might be brought in and paffed if agreed to, without loss of time. The chief arguments on which he established the political and commercial equity of his propofitions, were; Firft, That the wealth of Ireland is the wealth of England. Secondly, That the restrictions laid on the trade of Ireland by feveral acts of parliament in the reigns of Charles II. William III. Queen Anne, George I. and George II. had proved highly prejudicial to Ireland without producing any confiderable advantage to Great Britain. In the prefent diftreffed fituation of Ireland therefore, which upon fair inquiry, was found to arife in a great meafure from the moft onerofe of those restrictions, he confi

Mr. Temple Luttrell next moved a resolution of the utmost confequence, and very opportune after what had paffed about the Middlesex petition. Having mentioned the extenfive influence of the fervants of the crown, efpecially in the feveral dock-yards over inferior officers, workmen, and others who may be voters at elections, he moved, that it is the opinion of the Houfe that it is highly criminal for any fervants of the crown to interfere in the elections for mem-dered it as found policy to grant speedy, libers, and that the Houfe will always refent it as a violation of their privileges.

Mr. Wilkes feconded this motion, and gave as a reason that he had a letter in his hand, which he believed to be a letter from the Duke of Chandos, Lord Lieutenant for the County of Southampton, defiring the gentleman to whom it is addreffed, and his friends, to fupport the intereft of Sir John Wrottefley, at the approaching election for that county.

Lord North did not oppofe the motion, but faid, as it contained new matter, it ought to have been brought in with proper notice, and not at the clofe of a day fuddenly.

Mr. Fox totally overthrew this objection, by demonftrating that it was only a confirmation of a former refolution on their jour cals, which the noble lord had not oppofed; and therefore to be confiftent, if he had any objection to what he had before voted, the regular way would be to move a repeal of that refolution.

Mr. Luttrell's motion paffed with only one negative voice; and the name of the gentleman being mentioned, Mr. Onflow and the gentleman, complained of it as a breach of privilege.

Mr. Wilkes, by advice of the Speaker, not being able in any other way to bring the duke's letter before the Houfe, moved a complaint nearly in the following words: "Complaint being made by a member of this House, that the Duke of Chandos has written a letter, interfering in the election of a member for the county of Southampton, which is a breach of privilege of this Houfe," Refolved, That the fame be referred to the Committee of Privileges.

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beral, and effectual relief. He did not mean, he faid, by moving these propofitions, to make them any part of a general fyftem for the repcal of all commercial restraints whatever that had been laid by the British parliament on the trade of Ireland, for that would involve questions of right as well as expediency; but folely to confine himself for the prefent, to the removal of those grievances complained of by the Irish parliament. But at the fame time, he gave it as his opinion, that feveral other reftrictions ought to be taken off which he should propose hereafter: but they were of a trivial nature compared to the objects now before the committee. His lordship faid that the prohibition on the woollen trade of Ireland had been made in confequence of a mutual compact agreed to by both kingdoms; that England should poffefs the woollen, and Ireland the linen manufacture, but his first propofition, he said, meant to put the two countries upon a much better footing than any compact, that of mutual good offices, mutual interefts, and mutual harmony. He contended for the good policy of being liberal upon this occafion, by ftill continuing to grant the bounties on the exportation of Irish linens, which he faid coft England upon an average about 15,000l. per annum ; and had greatly benefited theIrish manufacture, without any detriment to the linen manufacture of Great Britain, which had confiderably increased, particularly in Scotland of late years. He then stated the impoffibility of the Irish rivalling us at foreign markets, or in our home confumption, in the woollen manufacture, and even if it were poffible, it was furely found policy to confider Ireland as part of the British empire, the fuperlucration of whofe wealth would center in England the feat of that empire, and under thefe circumftances it was wifer to have her for a commercial rival than a

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