But,

say this in my speech, but it is worthy | value to the power that is making the consideration of the House. As it, and that it cannot be comregards our own immediate possessions, pleted for three, or four, or five years; we are fully able to defend them. That that it will take a certain amount is not denied by anyone. The question of time to organise the districts which is whether we could also defend those have come under the power and influence future interests—those potentialities of of Russia, and therefore you have time trade and commerce to which we attach to turn round and decide your policy; the utmost importance in some of the and it does seem to me a strange thing countries which have been hitherto to accuse me of being premature when undeveloped, such as China. But we have one accusation against the Government to defend our interests in all parts of the is that they have not looked forward at world, and we come in contact, no doubt, all. It seems to me that you have to with many foreign Powers. We ought, look forward to the possibilities of the if we are to be safe, to have a power on next 10 or 20 years, and now is the time the sea which is superior to that of any to decide what shall be the policy with probable combination. That is admitted which you will meet the contingencies on both sides of the House. But, then, which are evidently ahead. As I said in have you thought of what that involves? my speech, I do not advise alliance So long as you are isolated, can you say any more than I rejected it. I only that it is not possible, can you even say pointed out the consequence of re that it is not probable, that some time jecting it, and the advantages which or another you may have a combination might result from accepting it. of at least three Powers against you? with one exception, I admit-I do not Up to the present time all we have pur- think I used the word, but I am perported to do is to keep our Navy on a fectly prepared to use it—I would say, in level with the navies of the two greatest the strongest words I could use, that I naval Powers in the world outside our desire, most earnestly desire, close, corselves. Do you suggest, as the result of dial, and intimate relations with your policy, that we should make our- United States of America, and that the selves safe against the probable com- closer it is, the more intimate it is, and bination of three Powers? You would the more definite it is, the better I add 50 per cent. to the Naval Estimates, should be satisfied. Sir, in this case, and you would have to continue that as which is different from all others, there long as this possibility or probability are conditions which bring us together continued. It seems to me that any which cannot occur in other cases. We assurance, I will not say of an alliance-- have the same language, the same litera I am not speaking of an alliance, but of ture, the same laws, and, as a result of a thorough and complete understanding all these, we have the same standpoint -a mutual arrangement for particular for all great questions. We can regard, interests with any one of the great for instance, questions of humanity from Powers would be one of the most a different point of view from that of economical things that this country could other nations, who hitherto have rejected possibly undertake, because it would save all considerations of that kind as being at once one, at all events, of the great purely sentimental. Powers from entering into a combination against us, and we should then be satisfied that the preparations we have made against all eventualities were absolutely sufficient. Now, Sir, I have said that I raised these questions not to lay down any final policy, but to make clear the conditions under which we acted. I do not think it is contended that

the

DR. TANNER (Cork Co., Mid): Do you say that of France?

MR. SWIFT MACNEILL (Donegal, S.): Or Russia? e vllen ai 919. THE SECRETARY OF S STATE FOR THE COLONIES: I can quite understand the interruptions of the honourable Members from the point of view

an of our domestic policy. What is immediate decision is necessary. We the opinion of the House in regard toknow perfectly well the conditions of the this question? I have stated the facts. case. We know that a great railway is My opinion, at all events, is clear. I wish in progress, which is of enormous to believe I do believe that right Secretary of State for the Colonies.

our

honourable and honourable Gentlemen | without forcing this opinion upon either opposite, with a few exceptions, are in party, or desiring that either nation favour of a similar policy. I wish to should enter into an alliance with which believe that for the credit of the country the majority of both nations would not and for the interests of the country, but thoroughly sympathise-I repeat what I I must say that if they are of that opinion said at Birmingham-the closer, the the way they take of expressing it is more definite, the clearer the alliance exceedingly unfortunate. What does my between the United States and right honourable Friend the Member for selves, the better it will be for both Montrose say? Of course, he expressed nations, the better it will be for the his own personal love for America, but civilised world, and the better it will be in regard to this question of alliance he for all which we have a right to hope for. thought it appropriate to remind us that the Irish would have something to say. Yes, they will have something to say, and I am thankful to know that the Americans will not listen to them. I know something of America, and perhaps more than my right honourable Friend, and I think he made a mistake in his allusion, which has already been taken up on the other side of the water. It was an unfriendly attitude on his part, which I do not think he intended at the time to adopt; but he makes a mistake if he thinks the Irish vote will stand moment in of

for the

a

the

way

Irish

The race.

MR. DILLON (Mayo, E.): An alliance with America may be a very desirable object for the people of this country, but I take the liberty of stating my conviction that no man has ever spoken in this country who has done more to injure the prospect of an alliance with America than the right honourable Gentleman the Colonial Secretary. It may be the opinion of the Colonial Secretary that the voice of the Irish in America will not be listened to by the citizens of that great Republic; but I venture to recall to his memory the fact that for upwards of a hundred years the blood of the Irish citizens of America has been freely spent on the battle-fields of America, and on hundreds of those battle-fields the blood of Ireland has been spent in defending the liberties of America against the attacks of the Anglo-Saxons of this And country. 80 at the present seeks to promote an moment, while the Colonial Secretary America and Great Britain by hurling alliance between insults against the Irish citizens of the United States, who are foremost in pressing to the banners of America in the war which she is now waging for the liberty of Cuba, I will venture to undertake to say that in every battle that takes place amongst the list of wounded and dead will be found the names of those citizens whom the Colonial Secretary has gone out of his way to insult here to-night. Whatever may be the history of the future relations between the great Republic of America and this United Kingdom, I venture to say, without fear of contradiction, that they will not be improved by the speeches of the Colonial Secretary. One thing the Colonial Secretary said with which I entirely agree. America does not need an alliance with this country nor any other European nation to defend her liberties. She fears

sympathies which bind together the Anglo-Saxon vote is powerful in America. It has been successful at times in inducing our king men to twist the lion's tail"; but when events arise to awaken the common interests and common sympathies of these two great divisions of the Anglo Saxon race, I think the Anglo-Saxons in America will know how to deal with the Irish vote. The right honourable Gentle man suggested that no alliance was either possible or desirable. Well, nothing in the nature of a cut-and-dried alliance is at this moment proposed. The Americans do not want our alliance at this moment. They do not ask for our assistance, and we do not want theirs, at this moment. But will anyone say that the occasion may not arise, foreseen as it has been by some American statesmen, who have said that there is a possibility in the future that Anglo-Saxon liberty and Anglo-Saxon interests may hereafter be menaced by a great combination of other Powers? Yes, Sir, I think that such a thing is possible, and in that case, whether it be America or whether it be England that is menaced, I hope that blood will be found to be thicker than water. And in the meanwhile I say-Lo combination of European nations, and

no combination of European nations will ever be formed against her. She is able to defend her own liberty, and, what is more than that, she can sympathise with oppressed nations, whether in Europe or across the Atlantic; and the insults which have been levelled to-night against the

Irish citizens of America will certainly not serve to cement good relations be tween this country and the United States.

Question put.

The Committee divided-Ayes 128; Noes 254. (Division List No. 134.)

Original question put and agreed to.

Resolution to be reported upon Monday next; Committee to sit again upon

DISTURBANCES IN BELFAST.

On the Motion

"That this House do now adjourn,"

MR. DILLON: On the Motion for the adjournment, I desire to ask the Chief Secretary for Ireland whether he has any further information as to the state of affairs in Belfast. We shall have no opportunity of bringing the matter to the notice of the right honourable Gentle man before Monday, and I would appeal to the Chief Secretary to give us some assurance that, at any cost of force, steps will be taken to protect these unhappy people from a renewal of the savage attacks to which they have been subjected. I would ask the right honourable Gentleman to let us know now the latest reports he has ceived, and, further, that he will require next week the most detailed statements -not from the magistrates, but from his own officials-as to the exact incidents of the disturbances that have taken place, and that he will issue instructions that precautions, as elaborate as may be neces sary, shall be immediately taken to ensure absolute liberty and protection from injury, and that these savage attacks shall be put a stop to at any cost.

The Inspector General later on wires from Belfast:

"Since last wire I have learned that one of
the three Catholics assaulted at Workman and
Clarke's had his nose broken, and he was
severely kicked. The other two were struck
not seriously
and kicked, but they were
injured. None of their assailants are known
at rope works and mills. Some Catholic girls
were mobbed at dinner hour and closing hour
yesterday, but the police prevented any assault
being committed."

The honourable Member
may rest
assured that everything that can be done
to protect the people will be done. But,
of course, when Belfast is in such an
excited condition it is absolutely im-
possible to take such precautions as will
render the recurrence of these incidents
absolutely impossible.

MR. DILLON: May I be permitted to make one suggestion? On a previous re-occasion, when Belfast was in a very disturbed condition, Mr. Wolff, who was then a Member of this House, went across to Belfast and exercised his influence to bring about a condition of peace. I think that, in view of the enormous gravity of the situation, the right honourable Gentleman might communicate with the honourable Member for Belfast and induce him to do everything in his power on the present occasion. I need hardly say what great importance we attach to this matter. One of the most terrible riots that have occurred in Belfast originated in the murder of a Catholic workman at Messrs. Harland and Wolff's. An incident of that kind might set the whole town ablaze again. As the police cannot take full precautions inside the works, I hope the Government will communicate with the managers and induce them to exercise their influence, which, of course, in their works would be overwhelming.

THE CHIEF SECRETARY TO THE LORD LIEUTENANT OF IRELAND (Mr. GERALD BALFOUR, Leeds, Central): I am glad of the opportunity of inforing the honourable Member that according to the last information I have the state of the city of Belfast is now one of quiet. I have the following Report from the Inspector General early this afternoon

A Roman Catholic workman in Workman and Clarke's shipyard alleged last night that out of 700 working in that yard and Queen's Island only four men remained at work, the rest having left through fear of assault. District inspectors have inquired at yards this morning, and were informed that Workman and Clarke's yard 300 or 400 Catholics at work to-day, and no one has molested them, but a few Catholics stated to the manager that they were ill-treated, and that they left off work. He said he would employ them when they came back after the excitement is over. Police have heard that three men were assaulted yesterday. They will not take any proceedings. As to Harland and Wolff's, Catholics have been molested; some have stopped away through fear until the excitement subsides. A number still continue at work."

MR. GERALD BALFOUR: I have absolutely no power over the works of Messrs. Harland and Wolff or any other works, but I have not the slightest doubt that the managers of the works are exercising all the influence they have.

MR. DILLON: Will the right honourable Gentleman kindly communicate with the honourable Member for Belfast?

MR. GERALD BALFOUR: The honourable Member may rest assured that I shall certainly do whatever I can.

House adjourned at 12.20.