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motto Do Bismarck 91, the mother
der pleasant nes; and the monopoly or is bound to
are not always statesmen, and are very often curiously or even ridiculously ignorant of colonial needs, feelings, and prejudices. Formerly, when such differences occurred, the colonies were weak, and gave way; now they are united and strong, and very probably would not. Just at present we are all so deeply impressed with the loyalty shown by the Australians-no less than by the Canadians and New Zealanders—in the recent war, that a sentimental feeling is greatly in evidence, which is not at all likely to stand the rude conflict of business life. We may think, and indeed do think, that the services rendered have been pure loyalty and affection. Possibly the Australians think so too, but it is at least probable that a time may come when many of them may think that the mother country is bound to reciprocate. Bismarck had no monopoly of the cynical motto 'Do ut des;' and the expected return may be neither pleasant nor prudent. Mr. Colquhoun has suggested
—as we have seen that friction might arise out of the refusal of the colonies to admit Hindus; it is perhaps more probable it might arise out of a refusal to make any concession in favour of the Japanese, whom it is the imperial policy to conciliate, as friends and allies. But putting, for the moment, hypothetical speculations on one side, we may take what has actually occurred in the past as an example of what may occur in the future.
In April 1883, acting on a belief, afterwards known to be well founded, that the Germans were preparing to annex New Guinea, the Queensland Government,
convinced that the establishment of a foreign Power close to their shores would be fatal to their interests, sent agents to take possession in the name of Great Britain-an action which met with the approval of all the other colonies, but was not confirmed by the Colonial Secretary, Lord Derby. Pressure was brought to bear by the colonists, who urged not only the annexation of New Guinea, but the prohibi. tion of convict transportation to New Caledonia by France, and, in effect, the entire control of the Western Pacific by Great Britain. These demands were flatly refused, but the action of Germany in seizing part of northern New Guinea, while these negotiations were still pending, hastened matters, and the Government of the day, under Mr. Gladstone, at last gave way so far as to consent to the annexation of the southern side of New Guinea nearest to Australia.' *
* This annexation, or rather protectorate, was proclaimed on October 10, 1884, and the Louisiade Islands were taken possession of on January 21, 1885, clearly in compliance with orders which must have been sent out from England about the time of the annexation. We know that at the time the Australian colonies were greatly annoyed by the refusal of Lord Derby to recognise and support the action of Queensland, by the subsequent partition of New Guinea, and by the maintenance of the French convict station in New Caledonia. The questions are at present slumbering, but are not dead, and it is far from impossible that they may again wake to burning life. If so, they may give rise to a very serious divergence of interests. It is conceivable that, under certain conditions, the colonial feeling might be intensely hostile towards France or Germany, or rather towards the French or German possessions in the Pacific, whilst the home sentiment and European interests were all in favour of peace. A sentence of Mr. Colquhoun's strikes the same note :
Had the Federated Commonwealth come into existence earlier, it is doubtful if the United States would have been able to acquire her share of Samoa, while the present anomalous state of affairs in the New Hebrides would have been brought to an abrupt conclusion, and Germany would certainly not have had the opportunity for embarking on a policy of controlling an important section of the Pacific.'
And again :
"The strategic importance of the New Hebrides and New Caledonia is not in reality a pressing matter, for Fiji dominates those groups. But New Guinea is of strategic value, and while Australia does not at present absolutely object to the presence there of Germany—quiescent in the north of the island and in the Solomon and smaller groups-she would strenuously resent any extensive developement of German power in the Pacific, such as the creativn of a large naval station, or the acquisition of any of the Dutch East Indies. Any such action would at once rouse Australasia to a man. The Australian Monroe doctrine has not yet been officially promulgated, or incorporated in the national policy, but its spirit is breathed by all Australians. The day therefore may not be distant when Britain may have to decide between her colonies and some of the European Powers -in particular her ally Germany. The question is certainly one that should receive serious consideration before the actual occasion arises, for by such consideration may the clashing of interests be avoided.'
In the diagonally opposite corner of the Pacific lies the English territory of British Columbia, which includes Vançouver Island, and is a constituent part of the Dominion of Canada. Hitherto, notwithstanding its gold, its deve
Mr. Colquhoun's dates are wildly incorrect; a parallel of latitude he speaks of is impossible, and the details which are based on these dates and this parallel of latitude may be relegated to the region of 'good stories.'
lopement has not been great, though its vast natural wealth
—not only gold, but coal, timber, minerals, and fish-as well as its numerous and excellent harbours, may and must bring it to a front place in the commerce and politics of the Pacific. This, however, will take time. Compared with her area and resources, the population is exceedingly small, which Mr. Colquhoun attributes partly to the amazing growth of timber, which, valuable in itself, is a hindrance to the immediate work of the farmer, and still more and especially to the lack of communication and consequent absence of a market for produce. Urgent need exists,' says Mr. Colquhoun, for network of local lines, which could be ' worked at small cost, to bring the interior districts into
touch with each other and with the coast, and to tie them all on to the great trunk line of Canada. The construction of these calls for money, and at present the Government of the Dominion does not see its way to assist.
But meantime the ocean trade is rapidly increasing-a trade with Japan, Eastern Russia, and China. In fact, this trade for the whole of the western coast of North America is developing enormously. The passenger traffic in the summer is very large indeed, and the cargo traffic is so large that for the last three years the tonnage has not been sufficient for it, and there have frequently been large accumulations waiting for ships; and this though six lines of steamers are running from the Pacific ports of America to Yokohama, and thence to the Russian and Chinese ports; of these three are from San Francisco, one from Tacoma, one from Portland, and one from Vancouver, which belongs to the Canadian Pacific Railway. The Portland line, too, is carried on by English ships, and one of the San Francisco lines, though chartered by an American company; the ships of the Tacoma line, and of one of the San Francisco, by Japanese.* Clearly, it is not in the nature of things that a trade carried on by English, American, and Japanese should languish for want of ships, so that a large addition to the number of steamers on these lines may be expected.
In summing up his most interesting survey of the Pacific, Mr. Colquhoun seems to think that the future ‘mastery' of it will rest with the United States, and assigns the second place to Japan. But taking into account the extent of coast-line and the excellent harbours of British Columbia, resting for their commercial basis on the vast resources of
the Dominion; the enormous developement that may be expected of the industries and commerce of Australia, New Zealand, and presently of South Africa, not to speak of the mother country itself, small in area but great in industry and wealth, we see no convincing reason for the belief that the British Empire is to be ousted from the pre-eminent position it has hitherto held-until, indeed, an awakened China claims its own. But then will be wars and revolutions, and the reign of topsy-turvydom, which may be possible-but not yet.
Art. XI.-1. A Bill to make further provision with respect to
Education in England and Wales. 2. Report of the Board of Education, 1900–1901. An Education Bill should be a matter of interest to the
- whole community. We have an accumulated experience, unsatisfactory no doubt, but none the less instructive, of our own baphazard methods, and the Board of Education has brought within our reach, in its special reports, a knowledge of the methods of other countries. We have, therefore, a topic on which all might combine to work for the common good, and abundant material to assist our judgement.
Yet it may be safely said that nothing is more distasteful than educational legislation, alike to the average man who takes part in public affairs and to the man who is specially concerned with education. This does not arise solely from the difficulties of principle which have to be met, or the mass of detail which needs to be worked out. The attempt to solve difficulties and to arrange details is part of every day's work; but an Education Bill, if it is a large constructive measure, is not only encompassed with difficulties of principle and filled with contentious minutiæ of local and educational government: it is haunted by the contrast of lofty motives and great ideals with small ambitions and untoward prejudices. To one man the subject presents itself as one of pedagogy, to another of local self-government, to another of religious freedom, to another of local or imperial finance. The teacher, the minister of religion, the ratepayer, the taxpayer, all have something to say: there are not wanting those who would sooner the whole country was left untaught than that the machinery of local control or the conditions of religious teaching were not arranged to their liking. Amid these cross-currents of opinion and purpose an Education Bill labours slowly on its way.
What are the defects which most urgently call for treatment? First and foremost, there is the religious difficulty, which dislocates our system of elementary education. Next, there is the debateable ground of higher elementary and lower secondary education—the teaching of boys and girls with a view, more or less immediate, to the practice of a trade or profession. Perhaps of all educational problems this is the most important to the future of the country. Thirdly, we need fuller provision for the training