wandering parents, who never continue in one dwelling for more than three or four months. I do not believe that the religious difficulty has ever had any existence whatever except as a euphonious term for the assault and defence, oftentimes not wisely conducted on the part of the defenders, and certainly not justly on the part of the assailants, of the Established Church." On the question of compulsion he said: "It is the most difficult and complicated question you can well consider-and why? If you had to deal with large masses of children who were in permanent dwellings, who had fixed habits, who were under the charge of parents or guardians, or who resided constantly or for any length of time in the same domicile, they might be brought under a system of compulsion if you thought it just. But look at the character of the population with which you have to deal. It is estimated that school accommodation will be required for about 400,000 children. I think that estimate is too high, but whether the number is larger or smaller fully two-thirds will be the children of a roving population. I went through one district in the Northern part of London, and the clergyman informed me that the whole of the population in his parish had been completely changed in the course of twelve months. I examined one large ragged school, where there were 700 or 800 children, yet not one of them had been there six months. But of the whole 45,000 of those children who are on our books in the ragged schools there are not 2 per cent. who attend for a whole year. A very large proportion attend for six months, a large proportion for three months, and very many for a less time. have 40,000 or 50,000, sometimes 60,000 persons moving like Scythians round London in search of employment, and who never remain more than three or four months in any one place. It would be impossible," he argued, " to make compulsion effective under these conditions, and even were it possible, how far would it be just to deprive parents of the earnings of their children, on which they, in so many instances, so largely depend for support? In the case of families with children of ten, eleven, and twelve years of age it would be a very serious infliction to deprive them of the earnings of their children, while they would be under the necessity of clothing and feeding them during the time they were being educated." He was astonished to hear of the fears expressed by Secularists and Dissenters in the House of Commons, for it appeared to him evident that the tendency of things in this country was to the establishment of rate-provided schools and the institution of secular education. He did not expect very much from the Bill, for neither in Prussia nor in America had a similar system produced a moral, though it might have stimulated an intellectual life. But he hoped it might produce some good, and held it to be, at any rate, a step in the right direction.

You

The introduction of the ballot was much canvassed in the Upper as in the Lower House, and an amendment moved by the Duke of Richmond, that the election by ballot should be confined to the

Metropolis, but that in all other districts the election should be conducted in the same manner as that of poor-law guardians, was carried on a division, and agreed to by the Commons. With no other alteration the Elementary Education Bill became the law of the country, a measure whose results cannot yet be estimated, but whose importance can scarcely be over-rated. But it was reserved for the constituency of Bradford to give the first striking proof in connection with it, of the value of continuous and disinterested labour in a national cause. It is difficult to credit the fact that Mr. Forster was rewarded by his constituents, on his meeting them some months afterwards, with a vote of censure.

The story of the Education Act will not be complete without a brief account of the first election of a metropolitan School Board, which took place at the close of the year, and excited great and general interest; chiefly, of course, from its own intrinsic importance, but also from its being the occasion for what were practically the first English experiments in the ballot, in cumulative voting—and, above all, in woman-suffrage and woman's candidature. For the purposes of the election the metropolitan district was formed into ten divisions; the city of London returning four members; the city of Westminster, five; Marylebone, seven; Finsbury, six; Hackney, the Tower Hamlets, and Lambeth, five each; Southwark, Chelsea, and Greenwich, four each; making a total of fifty-nine members. In the first of these divisions only was the voting performed openly. In the other divisions each voter had to go to one of the polling-places, and to receive a voting-paper printed with the names of the candidates proposed; and was to record upon the paper those for whom he chose to vote, but not to sign it with his name. There were nearly three hundred polling-places altogether throughout the whole of London, open from eight o'clock in the morning till eight in the evening, and the number of voters was fully as great as at a central election for Parliament. There was, however, no disorder, and the female voters were in strong force. The arrangements were similar in most of the polling-places. At a table sate a president and two inspectors, attended by a rate-collector with his books, and each voter had to identify himself and establish his right of suffrage before the voting-paper was handed to him. In a quiet part of each room writing-places, in each of which one man could write conveniently, were fitted up, and to one of these each elector retired, and indicated the names of the candidates of his or her choice. In another part of the room was the ballot-box, into which they dropped the voting paper folded.

There were about a hundred and fifty candidates in London for seats at the Board, and the result of the elections was most satisfactory in the variety of interests secured, and the variety of qualifications that were successful. With a few exceptions the élite of the candidates were certainly chosen; but it was in Marylebone that the proceedings excited, perhaps, the greatest interest, and that the results were the most interesting. That district returned

Miss Elizabeth Garrett, a lady-physician, and a well known advocate of woman's rights, so effectually at the head of the poll, that she received 20,000 votes more than any other candidate in any part of London, the number recorded for her being upwards of 45,000. Amongst the other successful candidates were Professor Huxley, Mr. Rogers, the Rector of Bishopsgate, a name well known in connexion with education (whose election was a high and spontaneous compliment, as he had come forward late in the day and with very little canvassing), Miss Emily Davies, Lord Lawrence, Mr. W. H. Smith, and Dr. Barry, the Principal of King's College. One working-man alone was returned, Mr. Lucraft, whom Finsbury selected as the last of her successful candidates. The Board comprised three Roman Catholics and one Baptist minister, besides members of other religious communities.

The provincial cities and large towns placed under the new Act also elected their respective Boards at the same period. At Liverpool and at Bradford there was no contest, the leaders of different religious parties and others having met and agreed to nominate a proportionate number of candidates for each interest. In Manchester another lady, Miss Lydia Becker, secured one of the seats, and the elected Board comprised six Churchmen, two Wesleyans, two Roman Catholics, two Secularists, and one Presbyterian. At Leeds an Independent headed the poll with nearly 50,000 votes, and the Board further comprised six Churchmen (one a clergyman), three Wesleyans, two Roman Catholics, one Primitive Methodist, one Free Methodist, and one Unitarian. At other places also the members elected belonged to different persuasions in fair proportion, while at Sheffield a Roman Catholic headed the poll. Under these various conditions even the supporters of the Birmingham League might hope that the new scheme for the education of the people, thus seriously undertaken, after years of talk and procrastination, would bid fairly for success.

CHAPTER IV.

Navy and Army Estimates-The Budget-Local Taxation-Condition of the Money. market and the State of Trade before the declaration of War-Effect of the War upon them-Variations in the Bank rate of Discount-Increased imports of wheat -Minor Acts of the Session--The Clerical Disabilities Act-Married Women's Property Bill-Halfpenny Postage-Disfranchised Boroughs-New Foreign Enlistment Act-Failure of the University Tests Bill-Ballot Bill-Marriage Law Amendment Bill-Motion to inquire into the Commercial Treaty-Condition of Indian Appeals-The Lord Chancellor's Bill-The Greek Massacres-Debates in Parliament upon them--Speeches of Sir R. Palmer, Sir H. Bulwer, Mr. Glad stone, Lord Carnarvon, Lord Clarendon-The Civil Service thrown open-Surrender of the Military Prerogative of the Crown.

The Navy Estimates were brought forward by Mr. Childers in the first month of the Session, upon a motion that 61,000 men and

boys be employed in the sea and coastguard service for the coming year. He commenced by stating the gross amount of the Estimates at 9,250,0007., and, comparing them with the Estimates of former years, he showed that they were the lowest since 1858-9, and involved a saving of 1,700,000l. on the Estimates of 1868-9, and of three-quarters of a million on those of 1869-70. Passing to the particulars of the reduction, he stated that in the vote for pay and allowances there was a saving of 100,000l., there being a reduction of 2000 in the number of men and boys employed. In the vote for clothing there was a saving of 205,000l., stores, 47,000.; ship-building, 300,0007.; Civil Department, 10,0007.; and Transport Service, 57,000. On the other side there was an increase for the extension of the dockyards, and of 189,000l. for the non-effective services. He then proceeded to explain the policy of the Admiralty under the heads of Administration, Ship-building, Employment of our Fleet, Number of Men, and Promotion. Under the first head he described in detail the extensive administrative changes made in the various departments, the effect of which, as a rule, had been not only great economy, but largely increased efficiency, and he claimed for the Admiralty the credit of having carried out the disagreeable duty of reduction with the utmost possible consideration for individuals. Under the head of Ship-building he stated that when the ships now in course of construction were finished we should have 31 broadside armoured vessels, including two of the first class, six of the second, nine of the third, eight of the fourth, four of the fifth, and one of the sixth, and nine turret-ships, in addition to an efficient force of about 100 unarmoured ships, a much stronger force, as he showed by comparison, than was possessed either by France or the United States. Respecting the artificers who had been discharged from Woolwich on the closing of the yard there, out of 2000 men 830 establishment men and 175 others had been transferred to other yards, 200 had been pensioned, 200 granted gratuities, and about 300 assisted to emigrate. The staffs at other yards were also being reduced, and it was the intention of Government to assist the discharged men to go to Canada. Ships would be provided for them, and if space remained, it would be placed at the disposal of the Emigration Commissioners for the benefit of the persons to be taken from dockyard towns, as well as Woolwich and Sheerness. As to the future, the Admiralty, after careful consideration, had come to the conclusion that in ordinary times we ought to build annually above 12,000 tons of armoured, and 7,500 tons of unarmoured ships; 4000 by contract, and the rest in the dockyards. This would require about 6,000 men for building purposes alone, and a dockyard expenditure of about 2,500,000. The shipbuilding programme for the year contemplated 12 new ships, including an improved vessel of the unmasted Thunderer type, and a frigate of a type intermediate between the Inconstant and Volage, all experience pointing to the supreme importance of pushing on the most powerful class

of armoured ships and the fastest cruisers. All our iron ships would be kept in order to go to sea, and the result, with the arrangements for the Reserve which he described, would be that the Navy would be in a more thoroughly efficient condition than at any time in its history. Though satisfied with the Service gun up to the 12-inch gun, the Admiralty had come to the conclusion that it was not powerful enough for the new vessels of the Thunderer type, and they desired, therefore, that there should be a trial between the Whitworth and Service guns, restricted entirely to this particular purpose. In explaining the proposed distribution of the fleet, he announced that another flying squadron would be despatched this year, and that the coastguard district ships would be sent on a cruise, to form a sort of second Channel Fleet, and he described in detail the means by which the Admiralty proposed to get rid of all the useless men in the service, and to strengthen the Reserve, by which he calculated he would secure a Reserve of 37,000 blue jackets and marines. Finally, he gave an elaborate exposition of the new plan of retirement, the basis of which was the compulsory retirement of admirals of the fleet at 70 years of age, of admirals and vice-admirals at 65, of rear-admirals at 60, captains at 55, commanders at 50, and lieutenants at 45. Flag officers, too, would be compelled to retire after ten years of non-service, captains after seven years, and commanders after five years. The scale of retirement, based on age and service, would range from 200l. to 8007., and the list of officers would be reduced to 2,336. The financial effect of the scheme would be, beginning with a loss of 54,000l. in the first year, to save the country from 300,000l. to 350,0007. a year. He concluded a three hours' speech abounding in the fullest details about all the departments by claiming for the Estimates that they provided for efficiency in the public service, for economy, and for retrenchment in the Navy.

Mr. Corry, on behalf of the Conservative party, regarded the great reductions the Government were making as ill-timed and in a wrong direction, and declared that they deprived the Admiralty and the dockyards of all power of meeting an emergency. He also found many faults with the building programme; but his remarks, though meeting with much approbation, did not lead to any material modification of the Government plan.

Mr. Cardwell, in moving the Army Estimates a few days later, said that they were founded on the policy he had laid down in the previous year, that, in time of peace, our military power should be maintained in such a position as to be capable of easy extension, and, with reserves close at hand, readily available for a sudden emergency. The total charge they imposed on the country was 12,975,000Z., a decrease of 1,136,9007. on the previous year (or, taking into view the effective services alone, of 1,183,5007.), and on the year before that of 2,330,8007. This great economy, he asserted, had been gained without any sacrifice of efficiency. In arguing this point, he pointed out that our undue expenditure