as when seated on the greatest throne of the world. The same motives, too, operated in his first communications with the British military and medical officers, who were immediately about his person, and whom he employed as instruments for conveying to Europe his own representations relative to himself. But when all that was new and striking in this situation was over, and when day after day rolled over his head in hopeless monotony, his eagerly restless spirit began to prey upon itself, and to devote its thoughts wholly to the means of escape from this detested thraldom. That this was really the motive of that system of violent remonstrance which was now set on foot, appears to us very evident. All the complaints so vehemently urged,* were so contrived as to terminate in a demand, not for increase of physical accommodation, but for an enlarged intercourse with Europe, and a relaxation of the strictness with which he was guarded-something, in short, which might be made subservient to escape. We do not consider him as absolutely without a claim to employ stratagems of this nature. There was certainly nothing in the treatment which he had received from Britain to terminate that long and rooted enmity which had subsisted between him and that power. Treated as an enemy, and converted into a state prisoner, he might justly consider himself as in a state of war with the power which had so acted towards him, and as entitled to employ against it the stratagems of war. This, of course, does not in the least abate of their title to counteract, by every possible means, the fulfilment of his purpose, and to disregard every complaint, which had escape for its real object.

It seems scarcely to be denied, that Buonaparte derived some claims to for

bearance from the manner in which he put himself into the power of Britain. By placing himself at the head of what remained of the army, he might have caused delay and trouble; and if he had finally succeeded in making his way to America, Europe would have been left in a state of permanent insecurity. It seems also becoming the character of a great and magnanimous nation, when an enemy has fallen so low, to forbear all vindictive proceedings, and to inflict no punishment beyond the ample one arising from the comparison of his past and present fortune. At the same time, it was totally out of the question, on account of the comfort of one individual, to commit, in any degree whatever, the repose of a hundred millions. Whatever indulgence, therefore, was granted to him, it was essential that it should not trench in any degree on the strictness of the guardianship under which he was kept. Such appears to have been the conception of government in sending him to St Helena, whose rocky walls, in the depth of so vast an ocean, seemed to dispense with any artificial and closer prison. There, it should seem, he might be allowed a greater degree of liberty, combined with perfect security against escape, than in any other part of the world. It seems perfectly astonishing, that so strong a mind should ever have indulged the chimera of being allowed to live at liberty, and watch the opportunity of re-ascending the throne of France. He had recently afforded too ample a specimen of what might be expected from him, or indeed from any deposed sovereign, even though much less ambitious, and fallen from a much lower height. Under these considerations, combined with the statements now to be laid before our readers respecting the treatment of

Buonaparte, it will probably be judged that he has received all the indulgence to which he was fairly entitled. We must only dissent as to the denial of the empty name of Emperor to the fallen master of the world. This was an indignity which could have no effect except the pain excited by it; no additional security was afforded, nor benefit of any description produced. It appears to us even, that it was the interest of sovereigns to consider the sovereign title, once obtained and acknowledged, as ever after indelible. It had been acknowledged, not only by the people of France, but by all the great monarchs on the continent, virtually even by Britain; and there was a decided littleness, we think, in now denying it. Here, however, we take leave of this mighty name, now sinking so fast into obliviou, and which, we trust, is never again destined to hold any conspicuous place in the history of the world.

On the 18th of March, Lord Hol. land introduced into the House a motion upon this subject. He stated, that though he still adhered to the disapprobation formerly expressed by him of the detention of Buonaparte at St Helena, he did not mean to bring that question again under discussion. He only conceived that the official letter published by Count Montholon, with concurring rumours from various quarters, afforded sufficient ground for parliamentary inquiry into the treatment experienced by this distinguished character. It was asserted, that his residence on the island was fixed in a damp and unhealthy situation; that he was debarred from the requisite opportunities of exercise; that he was not permitted to receive the books, journals, and prints, which he wished; that he was not allowed to correspond with his friends, or on business, without the most vexatious restrictions: that he could not even transmit

to the Prince Regent, under whose sovereignty he lived, any representation respecting the treatment experienced from Sir Hudson Lowe, the governor, without its being opened by Sir H. himself, whose enmity would necessarily be increased by its perusal. Finally, it was alleged that comforts, and even necessaries, were withheld from Buonaparte; and that a demand was made of contributing to his own support, without any means being afforded of obtaining the necessary funds. He conceived that parliament, having been a party to the sending Buonaparte to St Helena, were entitled to inquire whether he was treated with any wanton and unnecessary severity. His lordship therefore moved for copies of such letters and dispatches, as might tend to throw light upon the subject.

Earl Bathurst agreed with the noble lord, that those who approved the detention of Buonaparte, might not approve the manner in which he was treated; yet when he heard the noble lord disapproving of the detention altogether, he could not help doubting the impartiality of his judgment on the other question. Sir Hudson Lowe had acted in every respect according to the instructions received from the government at home. Napoleon had, for obvious reasons, been prohibited from receiving or sending any letters without their being opened by the governor. Under this restriction he might write to any of his friends, or they to him. But there was one preliminary to his receiving any letters from his friends, which was, that his friends should write to him; and, in fact, only one of his relations had done so, his brother Joseph, whose letter had been received in October last, and forwarded. In regard to the not being allowed to send a sealed letter to the Prince Regent, the object of this regulation was, on the one hand, to pro

tect the governor against frivolous charges; and, on the other hand, if any grave charge should be adduced, to insure relief sooner than would otherwise be possible, because it would not be necessary to send back to St Helena, to inquire into the truth of it, before steps could be taken to remove the inconvenience complained of. In fact, no such application had been made to Sir Hudson Lowe, though it had to Sir George Cockburn. With regard to books, the fact was this: Soon after his arrival at St Helena, he expressed a wish for some books to complete his library; and a list was made out by General Buonaparte himself, and transmitted to this country. This list was sent to an eminent French bookseller in this town, with orders to supply such of the books as he had, and to obtain the rest from other book sellers. As several of the books were not to be obtained in London, the bookseller was desired to write to Paris for them. He accordingly obtain ed some of them from Paris, but others of them could not be obtained; those which could not be procured were principally on military subjects. These books, to the amount of L.1300 or L.1400 worth, (which the letter called a few books,) were sent, with an explanation of the circumstances which prevented the others from having been sent. This anxiety to attend to the wishes of the individual in question, was not at all taken, in the paper he had referred to, as an excuse for the omission. A complaint connected with this was, that newspapers had been withheld. As to this, he should say, that if the noble mover thought that General Buonaparte should be furnished with all the journals he required, he (Earl B.) had a different sense of the course which it was proper for him to pursue; and this opinion was grounded on the knowledge, that attempts had been made, through the medium of

newspapers, to hold communication with Napoleon.

The next complaint was, that he was not allowed to open a correspondence with a bookseller. Now this was not true, unless it meant that that correspondence could not be carried on but under sealed letters; for there was no reason for preventing that correspondence, unless it was carried on in that particular manner. It was also said that he could not correspond even with his banker or agent. Now it was, in point of fact, open to him to enter upon any such correspondence under the restrictions he had mentioned; and there was no reason why a letter to a banker should be sent sealed up. He (Earl B.) did not deny, that, on a correspondence between friends, the necessity of sending letters open was a most severe restriction, because it was impossible to consign to paper the warm effusions of the heart, under the consciousness that it would be subject to the cold eye of an inspector. But this surely did not apply to a correspondence with a banker. Who had ever heard of an affectionate draught on a banking-house, or a tender order for the sale of stock?-As to the assertions that the letters had been opened by inferior officers; or that, after arriving at St Helena, they had been sent back to Britain before being delivered, these were positive and direct falsehoods; and, indeed, in the voluminous papers which had been transmitted from St Helena, nothing was more painfully disgusting than the utterindifference to truth shewn throughout. With regard to personal liberty, Napoleon had been allowed at first, during the day, a range of twelve miles unattended; and even after he was found to abuse this liberty by tampering with the inhabitants, he was still allowed eight miles. Even after sunset he might walk in the garden, observed by a serjeant, but did not

chuse to do so. When any vessel was on the island, or in sight, the governor was directed to keep him confined within the boundary where sentinels were placed: but the execution of this order had been very liberal; and strangers whom he was disposed to see were allowed to visit him. It was not true that all intercourse with the inhabitants was refused, though he had chosen to act as if it were. The original allowance made by government for his establishment was L.8000 a-year, but on Sir H. Lowe's advice, it had been at once raised to L.12000. This appeared sufficient, and if he wished for more, it ought to be drawn from his own funds, which he boasted of as ample. It had been complained, that his household establishment allowed only one bottle of wine a day for each per son. This did not appear to Lord B. so very poor an allowance-it was thought by a regimental mess sufficient both for their own use, and for entertaining their friends.-The fact, however, was this. There was an allowance of strong and of weak wine. The quantity of weak wine was 84 bottles in the course of the fortnight; but he should put that out of the question, and merely state the quantity of the other description of wine. Of that better sort of wine, there were no less than 266 bottles in one fortnight, applicable wholly and entirely to General Buonaparte and his attendants. The particulars were-7 bottles of Constantia, (or 14 pint bottles,) 14 bottles of Champaigne, 21 bottles of Viu de Grave, 84 bottles of Teneriffe, and

140 bottles of claret; in all, 266 bottles. The number of persons connected with General Buonaparte, excluding those of tender age, amounted to nine, so that there was an allowance of nineteen bottles in one day for ten persons; and, taking one day with another, the allowance might be considered two bottles a-day for each grown person, which he was sure was as much as would satisfy the noble lord's wishes, either for himself, or for any person in whom he was interested. In addition to this quantity of wine, forty-two bottles of porter were allowed every fortnight, being at the rate of three to each individual. Seeing no ground for the motion, he gave it his most decided opposition.

The Marquis of Buckingham entertained no doubt as to the purity of the motives of his noble friend in bringing forward this motion; but with the views which he entertained of the character of Napoleon Buonaparte, it appeared to him quite unnecessary and injudicious.

Lord Darnley was happy the motion had been made, as it had afforded to the noble lord opposite the opportunity of making the candid and able statement by which the allegations in question were certainly entirely refuted. He thought his noble friend ought not to press the motion.

Lord Holland, in reply, endeavoured to prove that there was still room for entertaining his motion, which, however, was negatived without a division.

VOL. X. PART I.

H

THE two leading questions during this session, aiming at an important and permanent change in the constitution, were those relating to the privileges of the Catholics, and to parliamentary reform.

On the 10th May, the annual motion relative to the Catholic question was made by Mr Grattan, who proposed a committee to endeavour a final and satisfactory adjustment of the existing differences. He expressed his sanguine hope that securities would now be afforded, calculated to afford satisfaction to all parties. The Catholics had held a communication with the Pope, and if their claims continued to be rejected, an entire separation from England was to be dreaded. He therefore moved the appointment of a committee, to take into its most serious consideration the laws affecting his Majesty's Roman Catholic subjects, with a view that such a final and conciliatory adjustment may be made as may be conducive to the force and strength of the United Kingdom, the stability of the Protestant Establishment, and the general satisfaction of all classes of his Majesty's subjects.

Mr Leslie Foster could not conceive upon what grounds the honour

able gentleman could ascribe to the Catholics a peculiarly conciliatory disposition at this moment. The House would have the goodness to recollect that in the last session two petitions had been presented to them from different parties of Irish Catholics; the one from the Catholic aristocracy, professing to accede to any securities which the House might please to require; the other, far more numerously signed, by all the Catholic clergy, and declared to be expressive of the feeling of the whole Catholic population, expressing an unqualified opinion on the subject of the restrictions, branding the other petition as mischief, and denouncing with anathemas those who signed it as worse than Orangemen. The veto was now out of the question, and the only security offered was domestic nomination. The present mode of nominating a CathoTic bishop was by a committee of the other bishops, who recommended a successor to the Pope. This recommendation was uniformly attended to, at least there had never occurred above one or two instances in which any difficulty was made. The committee, too, invariably recommended the coadjutor, appointed by himself, of the