Byng, the commander in chief, immediately liberated, and was then understood to have been employed by government as a spy. The profligate character of Castles, brought forward as a witness in the recent trial of Watson, afforded a fair theme for the invective of opposition. The most violent language was used by the popular leaders. Sir Francis Burdett in particular, after observing that Oliver had been in the habit of going about using his own name, observed, that the infamy of such proceedings was greater on the part of the employer than the employed. They who held out encourage ment to such agents to destroy the sources of social happiness, to overturn the mutual confidence of men, to endanger their lives, and rob them of their liberty-the ministers who acted in this way were worse than the agents themselves; and, "if universal justice ruled the ball," the noble lord who employed them should be brought to the bar with his associates Castles and Oliver. Whether they had authority or not, ministers were answerable for their acts, and it would be no defence to say that they had exceeded their instructions. Happily for the country, an honest jury, aided by great legal abilities, had defeated their infamous purposes, and deprived them of the blood-money that was to be the reward of their villainies. He afterwards declared, that this atrocious act, if passed, would place this country in a situation never to be envied by any other. The preamble of the act stated an untruth; for the real conspiracy was that of corruption and profligacy, aided by spies, who worked up discontent and insurrection in the haunts of misery and want. In proof of this he had various letters from different parts of the country, all unfolding the missions of Oliver and his friends. He could not imagine how any government which employed spies could be held estimable;

since he always thought that spies were a disgrace to a free state. We had already one fruit of that system in the preferment of Mr Reynolds here, concerning whom he would only say, that he never met an Irishman who did not shudder at his very name.

In reply to these strictures, it was stated by Lord Castlereagh, that Oliver had not been sent for, but had applied to government, though he could not mention names connected with Oliver. Mr Oliver had stated, that he had been applied to by a delegate, who was desirous of ascertaining the state of things in London. There was also another person present, who had said it was his intention to leave the country, but he would remain if an effort should be made. The question for the consideration of government was, whether Oliver knew facts connected with the treason, and if he should be allowed to give information respecting them. The conduct of government in that respect was fully justifiable; and, from the communications made by Oliver, government saw no reason to think that there was any imputation upon his moral character. No encouragement had been given to get up a treason, but he was to give information to the magistrates how any rising might be prevented. Oliver accompanied the delegate to the country, and from that circumstance acquired the confidence of his associates. But it was impossible that the arrival of a stranger could have had the effect ascribed to it, and what must have been the state of the country if it had? The fault of Oliver had been, that he brought himself too much into observation; but he certainly had prevented the explosion of the 9th June, and had not been deep in the confidence of the rioters. Sir John Byng, the commander of the district, had admitted that information had been procured by Oliver, and the conspiracy had been in full vigour be

fore Oliver left town, had it not been stopped by the magistrates. Much exaggeration had doubtless taken place on the part of the delegates as to the number of their adherents, and Oliver had been told that 70,000 men had assembled in Spa-fields; but still some measure was necessary to be adopted, and had not Oliver been sent down, another delegate would have been appointed, and the effect would have been the same, without any information being given to the government. He must protest against government being censured for such a proceeding, as it was certainly far better to watch the treason in its progress, than to suffer it to break out into actual rebellion. Mr H. Addington also mentioned, that Oliver was introduced to the office of his noble relative as a good and useful character; he had been a respectable builder. He gave references to people who could vouch for his former character: he mentioned that his only desire was to be employed in procuring and transmitting information, and that he had no sinister purpose whatever to accomplish. No reward was proposed to him, no hire was offered, nor had he been led to rely on the hope of any remuneration whatever.-Mr Ponsonby also, as a member of the secret committee, while he opposed the renewal of the suspension, gave the following statement. He did not believe that the insurrection had been contrived by Oliver, but that he had predecessors in that laudable course. Many had, no doubt, been in the confidence of government, but he could only speak of Oliver. An association existed in certain counties that had never existed before in England, of a most atrocious kind, but not connected with politics. He alluded to the Luddites. But was the Habeas Corpus Act on that account to be suspended all over England? That was not the way to put a

stop to such proceedings, nor was a general act of legislation the proper remedy. The remedy should be of a local nature, and adapted to the place where such a spirit of insubordination prevailed. The conduct that had taken place in the country had been impelled by the circumstance of Oliver having appeared as a delegate from London, nor was there any disaffection, except among a few of the lower orders of manufacturers. It was the duty of the House to inquire into the nature of the combinations to which he had alluded, and by breaking these combinations, tranquillity would be speedily restored in the disturbed district, without having recourse to the suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, which was not necessary.

Notwithstanding the vehement opposition made to the renewal of the bill, it was carried in the Commons by a majority, at the first reading, of 276 to 111; at the second of 80 to 30; and at the third of 195 to 65. Two motions being made, one for limiting it to the 25th December, and the other to the 1st March, 1818, the latter was carried by a majority of 152 to 50. In the Lords, the bill was carried by a majority, at the second reading, of 190 to 50, and at the third, of 141 to 37.

In reference to the question of the employment of spies, which has been discussed in so violent a manner, we shall take the opportunity of making a few short observations. There is a species of espionage, which is certainly criminal and tyrannical. It is that which inquires into the private opinions of individuals, into the discourses held by them in their family, or at the social board, which seeks, as it were, to pry into their very thoughts. Such a system has always rendered its employers. the just objects of public odium. But it is a different case when men form themselves into associations for the purpose of political action. It then

becomes absolutely incumbent on government to know, if possible, what their views and designs are. If there be reason to think them such as strike at the very root of the social system, the necessity becomes still more urgent; and it would be a weakness equally ridiculous and criminal in go. vernment to allow them to mature in secret the plans by which the peace and social order of the country would be overthrown. There is, perhaps, scarcely any faction so small which might not become authors of the most dreadful calamities, provided they were thus left to mature their projects unmolested. Few individuals, perhaps, have had higher notions of public virtue than Cicero, and few assemblies than the Roman senate. Yet we find Cicero boasting to Catiline of the intimate knowledge which he possessed of his most secret movements, to a degree which could only be derived, as history shews it to be, from the testimony of a pretended accomplice. In such exigencies, then, there arises a necessity for government to employ means from which it would otherwise have shrunk they must receive and reward the information of real and even counterfeit accomplices. On the other

hand, the strictest care is requisite that they should be merely passive accomplices, and do nothing tending to ag gravate the offences which it is their object to repress. There cannot be a greater enormity than that of a plot against government fomented by its own agents. A natural temptation is offered to such base instruments, of thus increasing the importance of the information which they communicate. It seems indispensible, therefore, that they should be warned, at their very utmost peril, not to involve themselves in any proceedings of such a tendency. From the statement of the committee, as well as from other quarters, there appears ground to suspect that, in the present instance, these limits were passed. If so, an investigation ought surely to have taken place, and the offender, if found guilty, ought not to have been shielded by his connection with ministers, who, we are confident, would never sanction such a course. Ministers, however, protected their instruments; and opposition, perhaps, were less anxious to bring a culprit to justice, than to involve their antagonists in the odium which his proceedings were calculated to excite.

ment.

THE distressed circumstances of the nation during this session, the stagnation of the agricultural and commercial interests, the diminished amount of the revenue, all appeared imperiously to call for economy and for reduction to the utmost extent possible. The nation, as formerly observed, was probably mistaken in expecting from this source any immediate relief; still economy being substantially excellent, it was well that government should by this impulse be urged to its full adoption. The Prince Regent, in his opening speech, had recommended this subject to the attention of the House; and the 7th February, Lord Castlereagh entered upon it at full length. He premised a view of the reductions which were intended to be effected in the different branches of the public expenditure.

First, then, he requested the attention of the House to the subject of the army expenditure; and, in comparing the expence for the present year with that for the last year, the best mode, perhaps, would be to consider the troops in France and India as out

of the question for the present, as these did not bear upon the estimates of the public expenditure of this country. With respect to the land forces, then, the numbers for the last year for this country, Ireland, and the colonies, was 90,000 men-53,000 for the home service, and 46,000 for the foreign establishment. The number at home was to be reduced by 5,000 men, the reduction of the troops abroad was to be 13,000; making a total reduction of 18,000 men. He did not at present think it necessary to state the particular circumstances which had regulated these reductions; but had no hesitation in stating, that they were made under a strong sense of the pressure of the moment. On that account, ministers had felt it necessary, in a great measure, to put out of view the military defence of these colonies against any external attack, and to consider merely what was necessary for internal security. He thought that the present circumstances of the country justified that policy, because there might be a price beyond which it would be improper to go for putting these colonies in a com

plete state of defence. But as to the home department, there was no price that could be too great for that object; and the only question was, what was the proper and necessary force for the external and internal protection of the state, and the rights and liberties of the people? and events had pressed upon them of late which sufficiently proved, that the magistrates were unable to enforce the laws by means of the civil power alone, without the aid of a military force. The number, then, for the service of Great Britain, Ireland, and the colonies, would now be 81,016 men, as compared with 99,000, the number for the last year, there being a reduction of 5,000 men in the home establishment, and 13,000 in the colonial, a reduction upon the whole of 18,000 men. Then, as to the votes, the total number for which a vote had been taken last year was 150,000 men; the total number for which the vote of this year would be taken was only 123,000 men. The reason for this was, by the convention with France, the number of our troops there was to be reduced from 30,000 to 25,000 men, and the number of the government troops in India, from 20,000 to 17,000 men. So that the vote for the British, Irish, and colonial establishments, would be for this year 81,016 men, as compared with 99,000 men voted last year; and the total number voted for this year would be 123,000, instead of 150,000 voted last year. It would be proper, however, to mention, that a sum of L.200,000 would be required for regiments now in progress to reduction, but whose reduction had not yet been completed. Having stated this much as to the numbers of the army, he should proceed, in a summary way, to mention the charge for the army. The supplies for the regular land forces would be for this year about L.6,513,000, and, including the militia, L.7,500,000. The supplies for

the commissariat and barrack departments for Great Britain L.580,000, and for Ireland L.300,000, making a total for these departments of L.880,000. The army extraordinaries for this year would be L.1,300,000. The total charge for the army, except the ordnance, for this year, would be L.9,230,000, instead of L.10,564,000, which was the supply for 1816, making a diminution in the supply for army service, for the year 1817, of L.1,334,000, as compared with the charge of last year. With respect to the ordnance, the supply for last year for that department was L.1,696,000. In the present year, the charge for that service would be L.1,246,000, being a saving of L.450,000, as compared with the charge of last year. This saving was effected by the reduction of 3000 men, and other reductions in the artillery. It was proper to call the attention of the House to the circumstances, that of the L.6,538,000 for the regular forces, a sum of about L.2,551,000 was for services already given. All the halfpay and retired pensions had been included in the calculation; so that the sum required for the regular forces actually on service was only about four millions. Gentlemen, therefore, when they talked of reduction, ought to consider, that when reductions took place, the half-pay and pensions for retired services must, on the faith of the legislature, be paid; and, therefore, the reduction, in point of expence, has by no means kept pace with the reductions in point of numbers, as compared with the sums paid to the troops when actually on service. When a body of troops was reduced, the expence was still continued to the amount of 1s. 3d. or nearly 1s. 2d. He now came to the naval establishment. The number voted last year was 33,000 men; the number for this year would be only 19,000 men, being a reduction