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OF THE RIGHT HONOURABLE WILLIAM EWART GLADSTONE,
AS IT STOOD AT THEIR RESIGNATION OF OFFICE IN JUNE, 1885.

THE CABINET.

First Lord of the Treasury (Prime Minister) Right Hon. WILLIAM EWART GLADSTONE. Lord Chancellor

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Right Hon. Earl of SELBORNE. Right Hon. Earl SPENCER, K.G. Right Hon. Lord CARLINGFORD.

Right Hon. Earl of ROSEBERY.

Right Hon. H. C. E. CHILDERS.

Right Hon. Sir WILLIAM V. HARCOURT.
Right Hon. Earl GRANVILLE, K.G.
Right Hon. Earl of DERBY.
Right Hon. Marquess of HARTINGTON.
Right Hon. Earl of KIMBERLEY.
Right Hon. Earl of NORTHBROOK.

Right Hon. GEORGE OTTO TREVelyan.

Right Hon. JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN.
Right Hon. Sir CHARLES W. DILKE. Bt.
Right Hon. GEORGE JOHN SHAW LEFEVRE.

NOT IN THE CABINET.

Field Marshal Commanding in Chief

H.R.H. the Duke of CAMBRIDGE, K.G.

Vice President of the Committee of Coun- Right Hon. A. J. MUNDELLA.

cil for Education

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OF THE MOST NOBLE THE MARQUESS OF SALISBURY, K.G.,
AS FORMED ON ACCEPTANCE OF OFFICE JUNE-JULY, 1885.

Secretary of State for Foreign

(Prime Minister)

Lord Chancellor of England

Lord Chancellor of Ireland

Lord Lieutenant of Ireland

Lord President of the Council

Lord Privy Seal

First Lord of the Treasury
Chancellor of the Exchequer.

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Secretary of State, Home Department

Secretary of State for the Colonies
Secretary of State for War

Secretary of State for India

First Lord of the Admiralty

President of the Board of Trade
Postmaster General

Vice President of the Committee of Council'
on Education

Right Hon. Lord HALSBURY.

Right Hon. Lord ASHBOURNE.

Right Hon. Earl of CARNARVON.
Right Hon. Viscount CRANBROOK.
Right Hon. Earl of HARROWBY.

Right Hon. Earl of IDDESLEIGH, G.C.B.

Right Hon. Sir MICHAEL HICKS-BEACH, Bart.
Right Hon. Sir RICHARD ASSHETON CROSs, G.C.B.
Right Hon. FREDERICK ARTHUR STANLEY.
Right Hon. WILLIAM HENRY SMITH.
Right Hon. Lord RANDOLPH CHURCHILL.
Right Hon. Lord GEORGE HAMILTON.

His Grace the Duke of RICHMOND and GORDON, K.G.
Right Hon. Lord JOHN MANNERS, G.C.B.
Right Hon. EDWARD STANHOPE.

NOT IN THE CABINET.

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APPOINTED TO MEET 29 APRIL, 1880, IN THE FORTY-THIRD

YEAR OF THE REIGN OF

HER MAJESTY QUEEN VICTORIA.

EIGHTH VOLUME

OF SESSION 1884-5.

HOUSE OF LORDS,

Monday, 27th July, 1885.

MINUTES.]-SELECT COMMITTEE Fifth Report-Office of the Clerk of the Parliaments and Office of the Gentleman Usher of the Black Rod. [No. 210]. PUBLIC BILLS-First Reading-Medical Relief Disqualification Removal (207); Metropolitan Board of Works (Money) * (209). Committee Officers)* (194). Committee Report Shannon Navigation' (184); Polehampton Estates (183); National Debt; School Boards (200); Exchequer and Treasury Bills; Greenwich Hospital * (201).

Public Health (Members and

Report-Post Office Sites* (181); River Thames (No. 2) (171). Third Reading-Waterworks Clauses Act (1847) Amendment (127); Turnpike Acts Continuance (174); Public Health (Ships, &c.) (186); Artillery and Rifle Ranges (193) Submarine Telegraph Cables (203), and passed.

VOL. CCC. [THIRD SERIES.]

NEW PEERS.

Alexander William George Earl Fife in that part of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland called Ireland, K.T., having been created Earl of Fife-Was (in the usual manner) introduced.

The Right Honourable Sir William Baliol Brett, Knight, Master of the Rolls, having been created Baron Esher of Esher in the county of Surrey-Was (in the usual manner) introduced.

MEDICAL RELIEF DISQUALIFICATION REMOVAL BILL.

Bill brought from the Commons; read 1; to be printed. (No. 207.)

THE EARL OF MILLTOWN: I beg leave to give Notice that I propose on Thursday next to move the second reading of this Bill.

EARL GRANVILLE: I do not know, in the absence of the noble Marquess

B

the Leader of the House, by what right | in reaching the House, and therefore the noble Earl takes upon himself to did not hear it; but I had intended, in move the second reading of this Bill on accordance with an arrangement I had Thursday. It is a most unusual course. made with those interested in the Bill I myself intended to move the second in the other House, to intimate that I reading to-morrow, as it is a matter of would give Notice of the second reading great urgency. for to-morrow.

THE EARL OF MILLTOWN: I shall be most happy to meet the suggestion of the noble Earl, and put the Bill down for to-morrow.

EARL GRANVILLE: I do not quite know why the noble Earl has taken up this measure.

THE EARL OF MILLTOWN: I suppose I have as great a right to do so as any other Peer.

EARL GRANVILLE: I have been asked to take charge of this Bill; but the noble Earl, of his own Motion, takes charge of it. The Government, as stated by their Leader in "another place," do not wish to delay the Bill; and yet the noble Earl has taken upon himself, without any request from any other person, to move the second reading on Thursday. That is the most unusual course that I have ever seen taken since I have been in the House of Lords. I give Notice that, unless we hear something as to the intentions of the Government, I propose to take the second reading of the Bill to-morrow.

THE EARL OF MILLTOWN: I object to this action of the noble Earl as entirely out of Order, and inconsistent with the Standing Orders of the House. I gave Notice, as I had a perfect right to do, to the Clerk of the Parliaments, that I would take charge of the Bill when it came up from the other House, as I have always felt very strongly on the subject. It was not in charge of anyone in the other House when it was passed, and Sir William Harcourt stated that it was in charge of the House itself. The noble Earl is absolutely in error; for the Bill is a derelict, and came to this House without a Leader, and it was therefore open to anyone to take it up here. I accordingly came down to the House to take charge of the Bill, and I cannot understand on what grounds the noble Earl objects to my action.

EARL GRANVILLE: The first reading of a Bill is usually considered a formal stage in this House, and in this case was taken as a matter of course. Not being able to walk very quickly at present, I was two or three minutes late

Earl Granville

THE EARL OF MILLTOWN: My Notice having been given first will remain first on the Paper, according to the Standing Orders.

THE EARL OF ROSEBERY: The noble Earl has given Notice that he will move the second reading on Thursday. By that time, no doubt, he will find that the Bill has been read a second time and passed on the Motion of my noble Friend. We have no objection.

LORD ELLENBOROUGH: I rise to Order. I beg to point out that this discussion is irregular, and I object to its being continued. I have been called to Order for much less.

THE EARL OF ROSEBERY: I must call attention to the facts of the case. If this Bill is a derelict, it is because it was abandoned by the Leader of the House of Commons. There can be no question as to who ought to have charge of the Bill in this House, for it was at once taken charge of by the Liberal Leader for the time being-Sir William Harcourt. [Cries of "No!"] It was at all events passed on his Motion, and he handed it over to my noble Friend near me. There is no question as to whose Bill it is.

EARL GRANVILLE: We entirely agree as to the advisability of passing the Bill, and it is very undesirable that we should keep up this quarrel about it. I think, however, I have some little title, by my position in the House and following the usual practice, to say that I will take charge of the Bill.

MALTA EXAMINATIONS FOR THE PUBLIC SERVICE (ARMY, NAVY, AND CIVIL).-OBSERVATIONS.

EARL DE LA WARR, in rising to call attention to the subject of centres of examination for the Public Service (Army, Navy, and Civil), specially with reference to Malta, said, that, in bringing this question under their Lordships' notice, he felt he ought to offer some apology when there were noble Lords who, from the Office which they had held as Secretary of State for the Colonies, must be better informed than he could be with

'Any proposal to hold examinations in remote localities would have to be considered on its own merits."

regard to the circumstances and the wants | different Colonies and Dependencies were of Malta. At the same time, from his widely dissimilar; their position, their own personal knowledge, he was not means of trade and commerce, their without confidence that the subject, native industries, their character and being one of such great importance to nationality, their climate-in many of the interests of the Maltese people, would these and other respects there was often meet with favourable consideration from little or no resemblance. Was it not, their Lordships. On a former occasion, therefore, reasonable, before drawing a when he called the attention of the House hard and fast line and treating all alike, to the subject, he was not in a position to take each case upon its merits? What to be able to refer to official Papers. applied to Malta might not apply to Those Papers had since been laid on the Canada or Australia, or vice versa. That Table; and he now hoped to show that view was taken by the Civil Service the view which he had previously taken Commissioners in the Correspondence was supported by those who were best recently laid before the House. They able to form an opinion. In the Notice saidwhich he had given, he had asked their Lordships' attention to the subject of examinations for the Public Service. He thought, however, it might not be But, besides this, Malta could not be connecessary to enter now into any details sidered as at all similar to other Colonies upon the general question; but, assum- and Dependencies of the British Empire. ing that their Lordships were aware of Strictly speaking, it would be incorrect the importance of these examinations, as being now almost the only way of ad- usual acceptation of the word, was an offto describe it as a Colony, which, in the mission for a young man to enter into shoot of the parent country. Malta was public life, and, therefore, how impor- a country which voluntarily placed itself tant it was that they should be open to, under the dominion of England, and and within the reach of, all Her Mathenceforward the Maltese people bejesty's subjects, he would confine himself to the question so far only as it came entitled to all the rights and related to Malta. It was in the year said by Lord Cochrane in the House of privileges of British subjects. It was 1878 that a Member of the Council Commons, in 1816, referring to the relaof Government in Malta-Mr. Savonations of Malta to this country, and as a -moved an Address to the Governor, Dependency of the British Crown— which was seconded by the Chief Secretary, to the effect

"That Her Majesty's Government might be induced to permit such of Her Majesty's subjects Natives of the Maltese Islands as may wish to compete for the Army, Navy, or the Civil Service in England and India, to be examined in Malta under such regulations as the Civil Service Commissioners may deem it expedient to lay down."

year

It would be well, perhaps, to notice here
an objection which was made last
in this House by the noble Earl the late
Secretary of State for the Colonies (the
Earl of Derby) with regard to making
Malta a centre for these examinations.
The noble Earl said-

"Malta could not be treated differently to other Colonies; and if this question were raised, it would have to be raised on a larger scale, for peculiar favour could not be shown to Malta to the exclusion of other Colonies and Dependencies not much more distant, and with equal claims."

Now, with reference to this it should be remembered that the circumstances of

"The fortresses were reconquered from France by the Maltese, and not by this country."

He need hardly remind their Lordships that Malta was one of the most valuable Dependencies of England. Where would British influence in the Mediterranean be without Malta? With France at

Toulon, and now also at Tunis, where

one of the finest harbours in the world

might with little difficulty be made, what tion of this country without Malta? It in the event of war would be the posiwas the interest of England to accord to the Maltese people not only the rights and privileges to which as British subjects they were entitled, but also such advantages as might tend to cultivate loyalty and attachment to the British Crown. Was it not a small thing which was asked for? A small thing to grant, but which would be a great boon to the receiver, a boon which would be highly valued, and which would open a door to

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