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pointment of a Royal Commission to pursue in Ireland the inquiry conducted this Session by a Select Committee of this House into the subject of Irish industries? I would also ask the right hon. Gentleman whether there is any intention to proceed to-night with either the Labourers (Ireland) Bill, or with the consideration of the Lords' Amendments to the Poor Law Guardians Bill?

THE CHANCELLOR OF THE EXCHEQUER (Sir MICHAEL HICKS-BEACH): I believe, Sir, it is the intention of my right hon. Friend the Chief Secretary to proceed with the Labourers Bill, if possible, to-night. With regard to the other matter, of course the subject of Irish industries will be included in the inquiry of the Royal Commission on the Depression of Trade; but it is not proposed to appoint a special Com

mission.

MR. SEXTON said, that as there were special circumstances in Irish depression quite distinct from those of England and Scotland, he and his Friends would endeavour to obtain a separate Inquiry.

ORDERS OF THE DAY.

SUPPLY-ARMY ESTIMATES. SUPPLY-considered in Committee.

(In the Committee.)

(1.) Motion made, and Question proposed,

"That a sum, not exceeding £3,298,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the Charge for Provisions, Forage, Fuel, Transport and other Services, which will come in course of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March 1886."

SIR GEORGE CAMPBELL said, he had placed a Notice on the Paper for the reduction of the Vote by £360,000 on account of Bechuanaland. That would raise the whole question of the policy which had been pursued by Her Majesty's Government in South Africa, and he moved the reduction of the Vote in order to elicit some information from the Government upon the subject. He was afraid that a Motion to reduce the Vote would not have much practical effect, nor was there much use in criticizing it, because he had every reason to believe that the money had been

Mr. Sexton

spent, and he was almost afraid that something more had been spent besides. But that was just what he wanted to know-namely, what really had been spent? He understood that payment would be required for recruiting, which had been going on very largely in connection with South Africa; and they had been officially informed by Sir Hercules Robinson that expenses now going on in connection with Bechuanaland amounted to £120,000 a-month, or something like £1,500,000 per annum. He was afraid, therefore, that notwithstanding all the money which had been already voted, much more would be spent. But what he wanted distinctly to know was, whether the sum of £500,000 voted for a Military Expedition to Bechuanaland had been spent; and if more would be required, where was the money to come from, for he did not find that there was any additional Vote on the subject? He should be glad if the Colonial Secretary or the Secretary of State for War would inform him whether Her Majesty's Government considered themselves free to apply any portion of the Vote of Credit of £11,000,000, voted a short time ago by the House, which might not have been spent in war preparations in connection with Egypt or with the Indian Frontier, to the South African Expedition; or whether the money required for military services in Bechuanaland would come from some other source? He had also a strong desire to know whether Her Majesty's Government were able to form any opinion as to what would be the future expense incurred by this country in regard to Bechuanaland? He found that the Estimates for that expenditure varied from £1,500,000 per annum, which was the rate of expenditure going on now, according to Sir Hercules Robinson, to £60,000, which was the minimum expenditure given by Sir Charles Warren in his Estimate. (Sir George Campbell) was not inclined to believe that the actual expenditure would be, in any case, as low as £60,000 per annum, seeing that they had 4,000 of Her Majesty's troops out there, and looking also at the passions which had been stirred up in South Africa by the proceedings of Sir Charles Warren. He was afraid that when they found it convenient to withdraw their troops from Bechuanaland, they would find that the

He

expenses had been much more than most unfit man to be intrusted with the £60,000 per annum; and the principal interests of the British Empire in that expenditure arose from military prepa- country. However able and dashing a rations. He should be glad to know, in man he might be, he had shown an exgeneral terms, what the policy of Her treme want of discretion in several matMajesty's Government in regard to ters; and in saying that, he (Sir George Bechuanaland was, as the information Campbell) judged of him by his own now in possession of the House was ex- words, and by the contradictions which tremely deficient. The late Government had taken place in his policy. At one told them nothing whatever, but left time Sir Charles Warren appeared to be them in a state of doubt; and the pre- of one way of thinking, while at another sent Government, being merely a tem- time his views were entirely the reverse. porary Government, it became very dif- He had now, under cover of military ficult for them to decide upon the ques- rule, established a partizan Government tion of permanent expenditure. ["Oh!"] in Bechuanaland and Stellaland. He The Government might have a majority had taken one side of the question only, in the other House; but at the present and had not allowed himself to see the moment they certainly did not possess a other side at all. He began by acceptmajority in the House of Commons. ing the position Her Majesty's GovernHe hoped the Government would be ment assigned to him, which placed him able to tell the Committee, in general in subordination to the High Commisterms, what their policy in South Africa sioner, and he commenced his Mission was, and what they proposed to do in by accepting the policy of the High regard to that country. He believed it Commissioner. It was not long, howwas universally admitted by all who ever, before he completely turned round; had discussed the question that the one and since then he had absolutely defied noticeable fact in connection with South the authority of his superior-the High Africa was the absolute uncertainty of Commissioner of South Africa. That the policy likely to be pursued. One thing being the effect of the proceedings of was done one day, and another the next, Sir Charles Warren, he could not help and the whole of their policy had been thinking that the Papers laid upon the one of continual oscillation without any Table showed an extreme want of disfixed plan whatever. Some time ago, cretion on the part of that officer. He by the Sand River Convention, there had asserted his authority in South Africa was a distinct policy set forth, and it with a very high hand, as was shown by was decided that the British power the transactions which had occurred in should not be carried beyond a fixed regard to the death of a man who lost limit; but now they had gone be- his life in South Africa some years preyond that limit, and had committed viously, and the circumstances attending themselves to indefinite liabilities. As which were perfectly well known. soon as they passed the territory of was a political offence which occurred one Native Chief, they seemed to come some years ago, and the action of Sir into contact with another Native Charles Warren in connection with it Chief; and all they did was to in- had been most indiscreet. It had been volve themselves in indefinite responsi- found necessary to abandon it; but the bilities. He wanted to know whether proceedings of Sir Charles Warren had they were to go forward, to remain sta-left a great deal of bad blood behind. tionary, or to go backward? A great Altogether, it was a most injudicious deal would depend upon the decision proceeding on the part of that officer. at which Her Majesty's Government might arrive upon the questions at issue between Sir Charles Warren and Sir Hercules Robinson. Speaking as one who had had considerable experience in administration, and having looked carefully over the Papers in order to ascertain whether Sir Charles Warren was right or wrong, he had come to the conclusion that his conduct had been such as to show that he was a

It

Then, again, in establishing military rule in Bechuanaland and Stellaland, and under that military rule electing an Assembly, in which one side only was allowed to vote, while the other was excluded altogether, Sir Charles Warren was guilty of a most improper proceeding. He would not weary the Committee by going into details upon all of those matters, because they were already written at great length in the Blue

His

Book; but it did seem to him that, in | land and Zululand. With regard to the main, it was fully proved that Sir the territory in Bechuanaland. he was Charles Warren had taken up the posi- of opinion that their policy had shown tion of a most indiscreet partizan; that almost every stage of inconsistency. The he had stirred up a great amount of first arrangement after the Transvaal hatred against his rule; and that a great War was that they should take over a deal of difficulty must follow from the part of the Native territory; but they course he had pursued. He should have left the Boers the whole of what was thought that Her Majesty's Government nominally Transvaal territory. They would have had sufficient warning in said-"We will not go beyond that regard to the administration of a Mili- line; but, at the same time, we will tary Commissioner from the example protect the Natives." Yet it would now afforded by the action of Sir Owen appear that they were in a curious state Lanyon in the Transvaal, and that they of transformation, and were in reality would have been slow to commit them- going beyond Transvaal territory. Nor selves to the acts of another military were they confining the Transvaal Goofficer who displayed strong partizan-vernment to their own Possessions. He ship and extreme want of discretion. At that moment the extreme irritation expressed by the whole of the Dutch population of South Africa in consequence of the steps which had been taken was very great; nor was it confined to the Transvaal and Bechuanaland, but was extended all over South Africa. He hoped that some explanation would be given of the differences which had arisen between Sir Hercules Robinson and Sir Charles Warren in regard to Native Dominion in South Africa, and the course which this country intended to pursue in that matter. So far as Native Dominion in South Africa was concerned, he was, as a rule, averse to the extension of this great Empire. At the same time, if their rule was to be extended anywhere-and it had been enormously extended in various parts of the world-his impression was that they owed considerable obligations to South Africa on account of the expectations they had held out to the people of that country, and the difficulty of administering Native territory through the hands of the Colonial authorities. He had always been inclined to think that there was a great deal to be said in favour of establishing a Native Dominion over a considerable part of South Africa. But he thought they ought to be consistent in the matter, and ought to have some settled policy, and not allow themselves to be driven about from one extreme to another. He objected especially to the policy of allowing the Colonies to take all the Possessions that were profitable, and turning them over to them when they became unprofitable. They had experienced many difficulties of that kind in connection with BasutoSir George Campbell

certainly did not understand why they
should allow the Boers to go beyond
their own territory, and take the better
part of Zululand, while, at the same
time, they took up a high position and
declared that they would not allow the
Boers to invade Bechuanaland at all. It
was most extraordinary why we should
allow the Boers to invade territory to
which we had easy access, and yet un-
dertake the responsibility of defending
Bechuanaland, which was very remote
from the sea and from our base of opera-
tions, and very difficult to get at.
own idea was that it would have been
better to have taken possession of the
Eastern Coast, including Zululand, and
they might have established a consider-
able Dominion in that part of the world.
He objected to the limit of their annexa-
tion of Bechuanaland, because it was en-
tirely artificial. It was a country as large
as Spain-as large or larger than any
European country except Russia. But
the limit which had been fixed of the
22nd degree of South latitude was en-
tirely an artificial limit; and it would be
almost impossible to confine themselves
to it, or to any other line, because the ter-
ritory would constantly grow as the de-
mands upon them increased, and it would
be altogether impossible to confine them-
selves to the 22nd degree of South lati-
tude. Their operations would have to
be extended far beyond. As he had
pointed out, Bechuanaland was entirely
cut off from the sea. The annexation
had been justified on the ground that it
was necessary to preserve the great trade
route through that territory. He was
inclined to believe, however, that that
great trade route was simply an inven-
tion by some clever fellow, and that

doubted whether there was any prospect of real and genuine British colonization being effected. However, he would conclude his remarks, as he began, by admitting that Her Majesty's Government were placed in an extremely difficult position, and probably it might be impossible for them to bind this country definitely to any permanent policy in the matter. All he now wanted was that they should tell the Committee, in the best way they could, what they proposed to do in regard to South Africa during the next six months, and where they proposed to get the money to carry on their policy. He would move the reduction of the Vote by the amount of the war expenditure in Bechuanaland, in order to elicit an explanation on the subject from the Government; and if, upon the general question, Her Majesty's Government could not give a definite decision and explanation, he at least hoped they would tell the Committee how they intended to decide the matters at issue between Sir Hercules Robinson and Sir Charles Warren. He had expressed a strong opinion that Sir Charles Warren was not the man to maintain British authority in South Africa. On the other hand, Sir Hercules Robinson was a very experienced administrator; a safe, steady, reliable man, in whose hands the interests of this country were pretty safe. With all deference to the views of Her Majesty's Government, he firmly believed that if they intended to persist in Sir Charles Warren remaining in South Africa, and suffered the authority of Sir Hercules Robinson to be set at defiance, nothing of a prudent or satisfactory character would be done. On the other hand, he asked the Government not to listen to one side of the question only-to declarations of views which were falsely called the public opinion of this country, but which were really the result of the agitation of a few newspapers, which had not only placed Sir Hercules Robinson in a false position, but would tend to absolve him from all future responsibility should unforeseen liabilities be incurred by this country. All this would inevitably place the British taxpayer in a more difficult and anomalous position than he (Sir George Campbell), for one, was prepared to face. He begged to move the reduction of the Vote by the sum of £360,000.

it had been fabricated, not by any amount of trade upon it, but for the express purpose of justifying the annexation. The country beyond was nearer to the Indian Ocean, on the one side, and to the Atlantic, on the other, than to Cape Town, and he did not see what interest it could be to us to draw trade there. He very much doubted the propriety of the decision to take possession of Bechuanaland, or the reality of the agitation which had been got up in regard to it. But all he expected Her Majesty's Government to do now was to tell the Committee, in general terms, what they proposed to do in reference to the events of the last three months. Did they propose to maintain military possession of the whole territory up to the 22nd degree of South latitude, or did they at any time propose to occupy territory beyond which would bring them in contact with the Native Chiefs? Did they intend to stop at any particular point? He knew that that had been done very much in the hope of getting Cape Colony to take over the territory; but he very much doubted whether the Cape authorities would do anything of the kind. Nor did he believe in the propriety of handing over additional territory to the Colonial authorities there. They had quite enough to do to manage that which they already possessed. And he doubted very much the policy of calling upon this country to pay heavy sums for the purpose of establishing a great Dominion in that part of South Africa. He wanted to know, if this country was to be occupied, how the funds for military occupation and civil government were to be provided? If the idea was to settle the country, no doubt it was desirable that that should be done. It might be most desirable, if it were possible, to settle steady agricultural British Colonists; but he did not believe that they would be able to compete with the Dutch. For real hard-working qualities the Dutch settler was, as a rule, very much superior to what was well known in South Africa -the loafing British speculator. If he could see any prospect of British Colonization in that country, he should be delighted to see it carried out; but he knew that, of all the countries in the world, land jobbing was carried on in a very extravagant style, much more so than farming. Therefore, he very much

Motion made, and Question proposed, "That a sum, not exceeding £3,038,000, be granted to Her Majesty, to defray the Charge for Provisions, Forage, Fuel, Transport and other Services, which will come in course

of payment during the year ending on the 31st day of March 1886."-(Sir George Campbell.)

was now found that the Boers from the Transvaal were attempting to occupy the country, and the time had arrived when the Government of this country ought to make themselves fully responsible for the government of Zululand. As far as he could see, there was only one course to be pursued, and that was to annex the country. He had arrived at that conclusion reluctantly, because he knew there were many difficulties connected with it; but there appeared to be a general feeling in that direction on both sides of the House. Nobody was anxious for annexation. Indeed, hon. Members on both sides of the House were desirous that that territory should not be extended; but, as regarded Zululand, that country was placed in such an unfortunate position, and they had incurred so many responsibilities in reference to it, that they were left but one course to pursue, and that was, as he had already stated, to annex it. The course taken by the Earl of Beaconsfield's Government, and by the Government of the right hon. Gentleman opposite, had brought upon Zululand difficulties of such a character that there was only one way by which they could discharge their duties towards that country, and that was by making themselves entirely responsible for its future administration. If they failed to do that, the present state of anarchy would continue, and the unfortunate state of things now existing would go on from bad to worse, until some Foreign Power would step in and do what they would certainly not like to see another Powerdo-namely, annex the territory themselves. He hoped that his right hon. Friends would consider whether the time had not come when the only course was to annex a country which had suffered so much from their hands; and however much they might dislike that course, and whatever amount of expense it would entail upon the country, it was the only proper course which followed from their past policy. But, while the hon. Member for Kirkcaldy (Sir George Campbell) had commented very strongly upon Zululand, he had not clearly gathered from the speech of his hon. Friend what he would be pre

SIR ROBERT FOWLER (LORD MAYOR) said, he had been very glad to hear some of the remarks which had fallen from his hon. Friend in reference to the territories in South Africa. He understood that, at last, although his hon. Friend was opposed to the annexation of some parts of South Africa, he had arrived at the conclusion that it was necessary for the interests of this country to take possession of Zululand. He had been glad to hear that remark from his hon. Friend. He thought they must all feel that the time had come when it was the duty of the Government to take some action with regard to that unfortunate country. The country had been placed in its present difficult position owing to incessant changes of policy and the course pursued by Her Majesty's Government, for which he thought both sides of the House were jointly responsible. In the first place, when his right hon. Friends were in Office last they overthrew the power of Cetewayo. The result of that proceeding had been most unfortunate. Had it not been for the overthrow of the power of Cetewayo he believed that the Transvaal would not have been in the position it now occupied, and that their policy in South Africa would not have had such disastrous effects. That was the result of the policy of the Government of the Earl of Beaconsfield. When the Government of the right hon. Gentleman the Member for Mid Lothian (Mr. Gladstone) acceded to Office they restored Cetewayo. He was not prepared to find fault with that policy, as he, unfortunately, recommended it at the time; but it proved, in the end, to be an entire failure, and, in his humble opinion, they were altogether responsible for the state of anarchy in which the country had been left in consequence. The result of their interference in the affairs of Zululand had been that one Government overthrew Cetewayo; another Go-pared to do. vernment tried to restore him; they had SIR GEORGE CAMPBELL said, he failed to support him, and nothing but agreed very much with the views of his anarchy had prevailed ever since. It right hon. Friend.

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