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have been given to all ports to be worked at all. How the lot prevent these people coming of the miners could be made in, and the police have been easier by a policy of destruction instructed."
he did not explain ; but lest That is well, so far as it goes. he should be unable to do as We do not like Sir William's he liked, he attempted to inreservation. There is,” he clude the other unions in the said, “and always has been, strike which he contemplated free speech in this country for for his own. That he failed our own nationals, who are is another proof-the first entitled to hold their own was given at the General Elecviews.” They may be entitled tion—that the working men of to hold their own views, but Great Britain are not to be are they entitled to express seduced from the paths of them? Assuredly not when sanity by the foolish rhetoric the expression of these views that comes from Russia. is designed to destroy the dis- While the extreme agitators, cipline of the Navy and the such as Mr Cook, are resolved Army. Even those who claim upon war at any price, Mr to do as they like are checked, Baldwin persists in his settled or should be checked, when policy of conciliation. He aims they come to sedition. Let us at the friendly approach of class not forget that it was the Camp- to class. He hopes to emerge bell case which broke up the for ever from that
era of Government of Mr MacDonald ; anyhow” in which we have and let it not be said that the sojourned too long. Tories gave no more thought to not believe in “muddling open disloyalty and perversion through.” (Truly the inventor than did the Labour Party. But of that vile phrase should one firm step has been taken, stand in the pillory for all and we may hope that the time.) He knows that nothing seditious rascals, who visit our worth doing can be done withshores upon the false pretexts out forethought and design. of trade and commerce, shall “Power," he says, quoting Dishenceforth be prevented from raeli, “has only one duty-to poisoning the minds and para- serve the social welfare of our lysing the hands of the working people.” But that social welclasses. Meanwhile Mr Cook, fare cannot be served unless that humble disciple of Lenin, both parties to the contract has been foiled of his attempt are in agreement. There must to bring to nought the mining be give and take on either side, industry. He knew well enough and more than that, there must that he could neither shorten be mutual understanding. the hours nor increase the long as the working classes bewages of the men whom he lieve the capitalists to be mere represented. The most that limbs of Satan, so long as the he did accomplish was to make capitalists complain that the it impossible for the mines to working classes have no other
ambition than to shirk, the fessed, a nation of individualnecessary approach will be diffi- ists, and get there is not a little cult indeed. And surely Mr that the Government may do Baldwin never did the cause of for us. It can set a council industry a better service than to watch over the production when he defined and defended and the cost of food. It can capitalism itself.
"The doc- establish the agricultural intrines preached to-day in regard dustry, by far the most imto capitalism are misleading portant industry of all, upon and mischievous,” he says, “ be- a secure basis. It can encourcause capital is only our sav- age the building of houses for ings-savings of rich and poor men and women to live in. alike. We cannot get on with- But it cannot succeed in these out it. We want as much as endeavours unless they co-operwe can get, and we want ate in whose interest the plans it cheap. Achievements and of betterment are devised. Mr improvements have come in Baldwin is not yet satisfied this country with the cheap with the reply that has been ness and the growth of capital, made to
made to his speeches.
“I and we want to learn that you appealed for a truce,” he said can dissipate and waste the at Welbeck. “I may not get capital of the country just as a truce, but I have got somemuch by indulging in strife at thing: I have got many of home as you can by waging those engaged in the great war in France and Flanders.” industries, masters and men, That is sound sense, especially sitting down together, and conas it makes clear that capital. sidering as they have never ism is not of a class but of all considered before, facing realclasses. “The denunciation of ities as they have never been capital as such," thus Mr Bald- faced before. Whatever hapwin goes on," is really in the pens, that is a a great and long-run in vain, because in remarkable thing.” Indeed it the last half-century-through is, and the mere fact that co-operative societies, through masters and men have sat the savings banks and savings down together makes the subcertificates—we have seen an versive tactics of Mr Cook, enormous increase in the num- Lenin's humble
Lenin's humble admirer, of ber of financial smallholders, very small effect. And there and they are the greatest assets is another thing which still of the modern State.” That is holds Mr Baldwin's attention. perfectly true ; indeed, it may Many men in industry," he be said that the working classes, said, “masters and men alike, being smallholders, are com- up to now have too often failed mitting industrial suicide when to see the wood for the trees. they attack violently and sense. They have thought only of lessly the capitalism of which themselves and of their own they are part.
industry. These are the trees. We are, as Mr Baldwin con- They have missed the wood, which is the nation as a whole.” wants, unity in place of disIf only they would always cord, and co-operation in the en visage the wood, if only they place of antagonism.” would keep the nation in their It is a part of a government's mind, as well as the advantage duty, as we have said, to give of their own particular trade, counsel to the doubter and there would be no more unrest encouragement to the waverer. in industry, and the risk of This counsel and this encourunemployment would be in- agement Mr Baldwin provides. finitely decreased.
The government has another Indeed, there is no aspect of duty : to rule the country the industrial problem to which with an equal hand and to Mr Baldwin closed his eyes at punish sedition. It is not so Welbeck. His speech delivered easy to rule and to punish as there might be accepted by to give good advice. But masters and men as the last unless the evildoer is restrained, word upon a vexed question. good counsel is proffered in He had wise words to say of vain. For a small minority, management and organisation : if only it be vicious enough,
Engineers have to manage may upset the plans of the men," he insisted, “and the wisest administrator. We have management of men is more seen in Russia what harm a difficult than the mastery and mere handful of ruffians may application of the laws of heat accomplish, if that handful does and light. Technical efficiency not shrink from the methods is not enough. No management of terror.” By only one is scientific which forgets the policy-a policy of restraintman inside the workman.” a government suppress Here, then, we have a wise “terror,” and all the ills which exhortation delivered to both it brings with it. Doctor Johnsides, an exhortation to peace, son, like the far-seeing stateswhich should not fall upon man that he was, talked, to deaf ears. If we leave out of use Boswell's phrase, “with a account the Bolsheviks, the rough contempt of popular base imitators of Russian here- liberty.” “They make a rout tics, we shall find few who about universal liberty," said are genuinely in favour of de- he, “without considering that structive methods. In the last all that is to be valued, or resort, masters and men would indeed can be enjoyed by inrather see their factories busily dividuals, is private liberty. employed than silent and Political liberty is good only empty, and Mr Baldwin has so far as it produces private done his best to rekindle the liberty." In truth, Doctor dying embers of an old enthu- Johnson knew well enough, siasm. There is no room in what is too often forgotten, England," he says, “for the that the very essence of governwrecker or the slacker. ... I ment is restraint, and that, if want, and the whole Party we are to look to government
for rational government, too is what he says, and by way much restraint is better than of explanation he insists that too little. We hope, therefore, “it is in the thirty years from that Mr Baldwin, while he does 1870 to 1900 that the English his best to bring together in novel can be said in the full the bonds of friendship the sense of the word to evolve." warring elements of society, And he selects three forces will be quick to restrain (and which he finds behind this to punish) those licentious per- evolution. “One of these is sons who think that the world a new consciousness of techis well lost, if only they are nique that came to us from free to practise sedition and France; secondly, the new conspiracy, and who pretend to theory of morals as applied to believe that it is the inalien- the novel, and that also came able right of every unbridled to us from France; and thirdly, citizen to do as he likes.
a new word, an obnoxious word
that came to us from heaven It is always interesting to knows where, and that shows no hear a craftsman discourse of sign of leaving us for a long while his craft, and when Mr Hugh to come, the word Realism." Walpole chose the evolution We cannot believe that these of the English novel as the forces were either new or essubject for his Rede Lecture, pecially potent in 1871. Never he made a wise and apposite did man or woman succeed in choice. But there is one danger the business of writer who was which the craftsman faces when not conscious of technique. he attempts to reveal his own When Homer sat himself down secret; he has a clearer under- to describe the siege of Troy standing of his own purpose or the return of Ulysses in the than of the purpose of his pre- two best narratives that the decessors; he perceives a world has ever seen, he did not novelty in what is not wholly surrender his genius to the new, and even though he pro- accident of the hour. There tests, as Mr Walpole protests, are no accidents in the realm that he does not believe in the of art, and the realm of art progress of the arts, he still was discovered many looks upon the past with an turies before 1871. Nor did eye of kindly scepticism. Mr this consciousness of technique, Walpole, indeed, believes that which was not new, come to us there is such a thing as the from France, itself bedevilled modern novel, a form, invented in 1871 by the memory of about 1870, and given to Eu- romanticism. How should rope, or at any rate to England, France, corrupted by the easy by George Eliot. “Indeed, the rhetoric of the romantics, teach new world of the novel is any lessons of self-consciousness breaking in upon us in this to England, a nation which had year of the publication of not yet forgotten the noble traMiddlemarch, 1871." That dition of the eighteenth century? VOL. CCXVII.-NO. MCCCXVII.
And the new theory of morals The audacities of thirty years which Mr Walpole attributes ago are already demoded. Mr to his annus mirabilis, if it Joyce may appear to some were new, had little to do bolder than the rest, but the with the art of novel-writing. choice of topics, not generally It was but a reaction in favour discussed, is not a stage in the of outspokenness against the evolution of an art, and the stern convention of the nine- novel remains precisely what it teenth century. What prisons was when Apuleius found and circumlocution offices were witches in Thessaly. Whatto Dickens and his contem- ever the novelist, ancient or poraries, sexual problems were modern, discourses about, whatto the intrepid novelists of the ever secrets he uncovers, 'seventies and 'nineties who whether his speech consists of had been on a trip to Paris. “yea” or nay, or of the They had read the works of words which are commonly Zola, that hot gospeller, that chalked upon shutters, he must, bitter foe of artistic expression, if he is to achieve an artistic who thought that the duty of success, be master of narrative, the novelist was not to select character, and expression. but to tumble all the contents These are the three tests. of a well-filled notebook out And when Mr Walpole sorrowupon paper. And the change fully admits that neither George which they pretended to in. Meredith nor Thomas Hardy augurate was a social, not an has had any part in the evoluartistic change. It matters less tion of the modern novel, we what is the theme of the novel cannot agree with him. Inthan the skill with which the fluence comes from those who theme is handled ; and if it survive, and these two have a is a mere contest of tedious better chance of survival than disclosure, one set of facts is the brave intrepid ones who not worth more than another. shrank not from dangerous The New Women, whose works themes. Truly there is nothing Mr Walpole mentions as “a sadder to contemplate than the bold challenge to British mor- havoc wrought by time among ality "_they were no challenge old novels. A century ago was to literary art, did not differ published in Paris a directory in style or boredom from their of English fiction. This direcpredecessors. They merely
merely tory contained the titles of chose something else to write some 20,000 novels, the greater about, and their books and part of which are to-day entheir influence are buried as tirely forgotten. Again, Mr deeply in the pit of forgotten Walpole quotes a writer in 'The things as the history of the Nineteenth Century,'who makes * Rougon - Macquarts them- the bold assertion that “there selves. And as to the word are at least a hundred and realism, we understand it and fifty living novelists, men and care as little about it as does women, whose work is worthy Mr Walpole himself.
of serious attention, and, out