but, be that as it may, the President here," British subjects in their service, and tendcred a measure to render that impress." enforce the prohibition by suitable regument unnecessary, unless it was still meant" lations and penalties, the motive for the to impress the Republicans. "practice is taken away. It is in this mode The Republic having failed in this en-" that the President is willing to accommodeavour to restore peace, she made another" date this important controversy with the attempt, the succeeding month, as will be "British Government, and it cannot be conseen in the letter of Mr. Monroe to Sir"ceived on what ground the arrangement John B. Warren, and which letter it is of" can be refused.A suspension of the great importance now to peruse with at-" practice of impressment, pending the artention. After the opening of his letter," mistice, seems to be a necessary consehe proceeds thus:-"I am instructed to quence. It cannot be presumed, while "inform you, that it will be very satisfac-"the parties are engaged in a negociation "tory to the President to meet the British" to adjust amicably this important differ"Government in such arrangements as 66 ence, that the United States would ad"may terminate, without delay, the hosti-"mit the right, or acquiesce in the prac"lities which now exist between the United" tice, of the opposite party; or that Great "States and Great Britain, on conditions" Britain would be unwilling to restrain "honourable to both nations.At the" her cruisers from a practice which would "moment of the declaration of war, the" have the strongest tendency to defeat "President gave a signal proof of the at-" the negociation. It is presumable that tachment of the United States to peace. "both parties would enter into a negocia "Instructions were given, at an early pe"tion with a sincere desire to give it effect, "riod, to the late Charge d'Affaires of "For this purpose, it is necessary that a "the United States at London, to propose" clear and distinct understanding be first "to the British Government an armistice," obtained between them, of the accommoon conditions which, it was presumed,"dation which each is prepared to make. "would have been satisfactory. It has "If the British Government is willing to "been seen with regret, that the proposi- suspend the practice of impressment from "tion made by Mr. Monroe, particularly American vessels, on consideration that "in regard to the important interest of the United States will exclude British impressment, was rejected; and that" seamen from their service, the regulation, none was offered through that channel," by which this compromise should be caras a basis on which hostilities might" ried into effect, would be solely the obcease.As your Government has au- "ject of this negociation. The armistice thorised you to propose a cessation of" would be of short duration. If the par"hostilities, and is doubtless aware of the ties agree, peace would be the result. "important and salutary effect which a sa-" If the negociation failed, each would be "tisfactory adjustment of this difference" restored to its former state, and to all its "cannot fail to have on the future rela-"pretensions, by recurring to war.-Lord tions between the two countries, I in- “ Castlereagh, in his note to Mr. Russell, ❝dulge the hope that it has, ere this, given" seems to have supposed, that, had the you full powers for the purpose. Ex-" British Government accepted the propoperience has sufficiently evinced that no "sitions made to it, Great Britain would peace can be durable, unless this object" have suspended immediately the exercise "is provided for: it is presumed, there-" of a right on the mere assurance of this fore, that it is equally the interest of" Government, that a law would be after. "both countries to adjust it at this time.-"wards passed to prohibit the employment "Without further discussing questions of" of British seamen in the service of the 66 right, the President is desirous to pro- "United States, and that Great Britain "vide a remedy for the evils complained" would have no agency in the regulation of on both sides. The claim of the Bri-" to give effect to that proposition. Such "tish Government is to take from the" an idea was not in the contemplation of "merchant vessels of other countries Bri-" this Government, nor is to be reasonably "tish subjects. In the practice, the Com-" inferred from Mr. Russell's note: least, "manders of British ships of war often" however, by possibility, such an inference "take from the merchant vessels of the" might be drawn from the instructions "United States American citizens. If the "to Mn Russell, and anxious that there "United States probibit the employment of" should be no misunderstanding in the

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once allowed, that we had a right to im press on board American ships. Was this offer to be attributed to a wish to aid Napolcon? How execrable, then, has been the conduct of those who have been labouring to make the people of England believe, that Mr. Madison went to war to aid Napoleon! What wretches must those be, who have called him " the tool of the fallen " despot?" what impudent men, those who have accused him of attacking us in the dark, like an assassin ? The man, who, the other day, uttered that expression, ought to have had his lips smashed upon his teeth. Every effort, short of opening the Republican ships to English pressgangs, was, it appears to me, made by the President to prevent the war, and to put an end to the war after it was begun.

"case, subsequent instructions were given to Mr. Russell, with a view to obviate every objection of the kind alluded to. "As they bear date on the 27th of July, "and were forwarded by the British packet Alphea, it is more than probable that they may have been received and "acted oni am happy to explain to 66 you thus fully the views of my Government on this important subject. The "President desires that the war which "exists between our countries should be "terminated on such conditions as may secure a solid and durable peace. To ac"complish this great object, it is necessary that the interest of impressment be "satisfactorily arranged. He is willing "that Great Britain should be secured "against the evils of which she complains. "He seeks, on the other hand, that the It is asserted most roundly, in Lord "citizens of the United States should be Castlereagh's letter to Mr. Russell, that protected against a practice, which," to impress British seamen from the mer"while it degrades the nation, deprives" chant ships of a foreign State is the anci "them of their right as freemen, takes "ent and accustomed practice of the British them by force from their families and Government." It has often been thus "their country, into a foreign service, to said, but never has been attempted to be "fight the battles of a foreign Power, per- proved. I have never read of any such haps against their own kindred and practice; I have never heard of any such "country.I abstain from entering, in practice; and, I defy any one, to cite in "this communication, into other grounds any book on the law of nations any record "of differences. The Orders in Council of such a practice, or any maxim or prin"having been repealed (with a reservation ciple to warrant it. I have thrown down "not impairing a corresponding right on this challenge fifty times, and it has never the part of the United States), and no been taken up. But, we did not stop with "illegal blockades revived or instituted in this practice. We impressed Native Re"their stead, and an understanding being publicans. Mr. Madison says that we im “obtained on the subject of impressament, pressed thousands of them. The President "in the mode herein proposed, the Presi- tenders us a law, to be agreed on by us as "dent is willing to agree to a cessation well as him, to prevent our seamen from "of hostilities, with a view to arrange, by serving on board of the Republican ships; treaty, in a more distinct and ample and this, even this, does not satisfy us.-manner, and to the satisfaction of both He wishes to put an end to the war in this parties, every other subject of contro- way, even at a time when he is accused of “versy.——I will only add, that if there having declared it for the purpose of aiding "be no objection to an accommodation of Napoleon; and still the hirelings of the "the difference relating to impressment, London press call him "the tool of Napoin the mode proposed, other than the sus"leon;" while other miscreants accuse him "pension of the British claims to impress of having attacked us in the dark, like an ment during the armistice, there can be assassin. "none to proceeding, without the armistice, “to an immediate discussion and arrange “ment of an article on thai subject. This great question being satisfactorily adjusted, the way will be open either for an armistice, or any other course leading "most conveniently and expeditiously to a general accification."

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This offer, too, was rejected! What more was the President to do unless he, at

SECOND, the causes of the continuance of the War. But, how came the war not to cease when the war in Europe ceased? This is the most interesting part of the subject. The professed object of the war, on our part, was to make the Americans submit to our practice of impressment, alledging that that practice was necessary to the preservation of our maritime power, on which our existence depended. Mr.

Madison tendered us the means of prevent- | Monroe, in his instructions to the Commissioners at Ghent, written in July and Au-, gust, telling them, that it appears to the President, that the war, on our part, has a new object.

But this proclamation of the Admiralty was not all that had a tendency to produce this opinion of our object. On the 2 lof June, just after the issuing of this proclamation, the London newspapers published what they called a speech of Sir Joseph Yorke, one of the Lords of the Admiralty, delivered, as it was stated, in the House of Commons, the evening before. This document is of infinite importance, whether view it as coming from a Gentleman in office, or as to the time of its having been uttered, or, at least, published. It was in these memorable words, as published in the Courier newspaper of the 2d June, 1814.

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ing our scamen from avoiding our service by serving on board of American ships; but, laying that aside, why did we not make peace as soon as we had made peace with France? We were no longer in danger. There existed no longer any reason to fear, that our men would take refuge on board of American ships. The European peace had taken away all ground of quarrel. The Republic was always ready to treat. Her Ministers, or Commissioners, were in London soliciting audiences. And yet the war continued, and, on our part, with more fury than ever. All danger to us was at an end. The French king was restored; the Pope was re-established in his Chair of St. Peter; regular Government and the Inquisition were happily restored in Spain; and, in short, "social | "order and our holy religion," as John Sir J. Yorke observed, that although Bowles used to call them, were every where" one great enemy of this country, Bonabecome again in vogue. parte, had been deposed, there was anoThis change took place in the months of "ther gentleman whose DEPOSITION April and May last; and just as I was hugwas also necessary to our interest, he ging myself in the prospect of a speedy "meant Mr. President Madison, and with peace with America, out came a very exa view to THAT DEPOSITION a traordinary paper from the Admiralty. It" considerable naval force must be kept was an address to the fleets. It set out 66 up, especially in the Atlantic. But as with expressing thanks to the sailors for" to his Hon. Friend's opinion respecting their services in the glorious cause, which" the reduction of the Navy, he wished it had just been crowned with such signal "to be considered that a number of shipsuccess; it then stated to them, that their "ping were employed in conveying French services would be wanted a little longer, in" prisoners to France, and bringing home order to carry on the war against America, our own countrymen. So much for the which had been guilty of an unprovoked act" occupation of our navy on the home of aggression against our maritime rights; "station.-But from the Mediterranean and it concluded by observing, that, with" for instance, several three deckers were the aid of the navy, there was no doubt" ordered home, and he could swear that but such a peace would be procured as "no practicable exertion would be remitted would tend to the "CASTING TRAN-" to reduce the expence of our Naval De"QUILLITY OF THE CIVILIZED "partment."--This required no interpre"WORLD." There was a great deal of ter. It left no 100m for miscomprehension. meaning in these concluding words. Sup-It went, at once, to the point; and, though pose the war to have gained us an acknow- i might possibly have been a fabrication of ledgment of our right to send press-gangs the Newspaper Editors, it never was, at into American merchant ships on the high any time afterwards, stated to have been seas, what had that to do with "the lasting such; and yet it was of quite importance "trauquillity of the civilized world?” And enough to merit a contradiction, if it could why the word civilized? In short, this have received it. No wonder, then, that novel instrument was, in America, looked Mr. Madison thought, that we had found upon as a new declaration of war against out a new object for the war. It was high them; a declaration of war upon a new time for him to make this discovery, when ground. Jonathan, who heard so much he read in the English newspapers a report about our care for the "civilized world," of the speech of a Lord of the Admiralty, when we began our war against the French stating, in an official way, that a strong Republic, did not fail to interpret these sig- naval force was still necessary with a view nificant words according to John Bowles's to THE DEPOSING of Mr. Madison. Dictionary. Accordingly we find Mr.This speech, as I have often said, may

have been a fabrication; but the publica- "sistent with ourselves, we must in like tion of it never was complained of in the manner maintain the doctrine of NO House; the report was never contradicted" PEACE WITH JAMES MADI in the newspapers; and, at any rate, when" SON.........................

coupled with the Proclamation of the Ad- "Can we doubt, that a vigorous effort on miralty, Mr. Madison could not help look-" our part will annihilate the power of a ing upon it as very nearly proof positive of "faction, alike hostile to Britain, and fatal our Government's determination to depose "to America? Is not the time propitious him; that is to say, to destroy the Consti- " for WINNING AT LEAST THE tution of the Republic. "SOUNDER AND BETTER PART Besides, these documents went to Ame-" OF THE AMERICANS TO AN rica accompanied with the menacing lan-" UNION OF INTERESTS WITH guage of our press; or, at least, all that "THE COUNTRY FROM WHENCE part of the press which was most in “THEY SPRUNG?”.......................................... vogue, which was most cherished by the rich, and .............................Again, in the same which was looked upon as speaking the paper of a date a few months later :—“The voice of persons having great influence." ill-organized association, is on the eve The prints of this description, the moment" of dissolution; and the world is speedily Napoleon was down, changed, all at once, to be delivered of the mischievous extheir tone with regard to America. They ample of the existence of a Government had before talked of our maritime rights; "FOUNDED ON DEMOCRATIC they had apologized for the war; they had" REBELLION."

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part of the English press. It is impossible to efface these passages. They speak in language which can neither be misunderstood nor misrepresented.

called it a war of necessity; they had affected I need insert no more. This was the to lament that necessity; they had been ex-language of the favoured and patronised pressing their hopes of the return of peace with our misled brethren in America. But no sooner was Napoleon put down, than these same prints proclaimed the necessity of continuing the war for the purpose of subduing the Republic; of bringing her to subjection; of putting down her Government; of bringing to an union with us a part, at least, of the States; of rooting out her democratical principles. They declared, that no peace was to be made with James Madison, whom they called a TRAITOR and a REBEL. But observe well, that the main object constantly kept in view by these prints was the necessity of delivering the world of the EXAMPLE of the existence of a Government founded on DEMOCRATIC rebellion. To quote all, or a hundredth part, of the instances that I am here speak.. ing of, would fill a large volume. I will, therefore, content myself with a few passages from the Times newspaper of the last two weeks of the month of April, 1814.

"It is understood that part of our army "in France will be immediately trans"ferred to America, to FINISH the war "there with the same glory as in Europe, "and to place the peace on a foundation equally firm and lasting."

......." The American Government "is, in point of fact, as much a tyranny (though we are far from saying it is so "horrible a en) as was that of Bonaparte: "and as we firmly urged the principle of "no peace with Bonaparte; so, to be con

In addition to these clear unequivocal indications, we must not omit to bear in mind the article, which appeared in all our London prints, some weeks after the peace of Paris, stating, that there was a secret article in that treaty, pledging the Continental Powers not to interfere in the war, or the dispute, between England and America. This was something very remarkable; for the article is given as an extract from the Vienna Gazette. How could it get into that Gazette, which, all the world knows, contains nothing disapproved of by the Government? How could the article get there? It related to a mat ter of very great importance. Uncommonly important it was. The editor, the mere editor of a Paper at Vienna was not likely to think much, or care much, about America, or her dispute. Why should he invent the story of such a secret article? Be the cause of this article what it might, the ef fect certain! was very great. The fact, which was taken for granted by the enemies of liberty here, encouraged them to proceed in urging the continuance of the war; they told the people, that there was no danger now; that all the Powers of Europe were of one mind; that there was no fear, in the present state of France, of ber lending the Americans any assistance;

that all the maritime powers were exhausted by the war; that they stood in need of long repose to recover themselves; that, in fact, their fleet and seamen were nearly all gone; that now! now! NOW OR NEVER! was the motto; that, by a good hearty exertion, this Republic, this dangerous example to the world, might be for ever got rid of. There were many amongst these publishers and their patrons, who hoped for, who expected, and who encouraged the notion of, a re-colonization of the Republican States. They openly proclaimed this; and, indeed, I verily believe, that, about four months ago, a great part of the nation had been persuaded, that the project would be accomplished very speedily. Thus was the war rendered popular; and so popular, that, even in the city of London, and at a Common Hall, a motion for a petition against the continuance of the AmeLican war, though coupled with a call for the discontinuance of the Income Tax, which that war rendered indispensable, could not obtain a moment's hearing. The people were worked up to a senseless spirit of resentment, while those who had so worked them up, had in view the ntter subversion of the American Republic, and with her, the last remains of political liberty.

to see Mr. Madison deposed; therefore they wished to see an aristocratical faction raised up against the Republican Government; they thought, that war, necessarily producing taxes heavier than the Republicans had ever been used to, would fur nish the aristocratical faction with a plausible ground of complaint; they were in hopes of thus producing, first, violent opposition to the war; next, something like open REBELLION; next, a division of the States; and, last, the conquest or overthrow of the whole. This was the main ground of hope with these malignant publishers; these enemies of real freedom; these sons and daughters of Bribery and Corruption, whose hearts overflowed with gall, whose eye-balls were seared by the sight of a people, who chose their representatives every twenty-four months, in the choosing of whom every man paying taxes had a voice, whose chief magistrate even was chosen from amongst his fellow-citizens every four years, without any pecuniary or religious qualification; and whose whole Government, civil, judicial, military, and naval, did not cost above a tenth part as much as the amount of the Civil List alone in England, though the population of the country was nearly equal to that of England. This was an object that blasted their sight. They could not endure it. They were mad at the thought of its being left in existence. They saw that, while this spectacle was in the world, they were never safe. It was useless, in their view of the matter, to have restored the Bourbons, the Pope, the Dominicans, and the Inquisition, while America remained an example and an asylum for the oppressed of all nations.

Here, then, we have the real objects of the friends of tyranny; the sons and daughters of corruption; the race who never can be at heart's case while the sun shines upon one free country; upon one nation happy in the enjoyment of liberty. These people had seen liberty, and the very hope of liberty, destroyed in France; their long existing hopes of seeing that object accomplished had been just fully gratified; Hence these malignant writers left nobut they, who are as cunning as they are thing undone to urge the nation on to a ricked, clearly saw that nothing, and, per- continuation of the war. Every art was haps, worse than nothing, was done, unless made use of to encourage an acquiescence the free Constitution of the American Re- in the project. Mr. Madison was held up public could be destroyed. The sons and as the basest of men; as a traitor, who, daughters of corruption foresaw, that, while at a moment when England was in great this Republic existed, nothing was done; danger from the designs and the power of that the "crample," to use the words of Napoleon, stook advantage of our embarthe Times," of the existence of such a Go-rassment, and declared war with a design "vernment," would keep Bribery and Cor- to assist him in totally ruining us. ruption in constant dread and constant the great inducement, the great ground danger; that the example of a people living of hope of final success was, the expected under a Government such as that of Ame- division of the States. It was well known rica, without tumults, without commotions, that there was an aristocratical faction in would always be a handle for the friends the four States, called the New England, of reform to lay hold of, and, therefore, or Eastern States; that some very artful they anxiously wished for the overthrow of men, in that part of the Union, had stirred that Government; therefore they wished up a sort of rebellion. The influence

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