prized at the return and at the cordial and joyful reception of Napoleon, whose very presence put an end to all these alarms and terrors which your restoration and the subsequent measures of your government had spread through every department and parish in France.

precisely the same basis as your right to your crown. You were very careful not to acknowledge, that you owed your crown to the people. Setting aside the compliment to our Prince Regent, your declarations bore, that you derived your crown from your ancestors and from Divine Providence; and, accordingly, you dated the commencement of your reign from the day of the death of your predecessor in the line of kings. Now, if what had passed, during the last twenty five years had, in no degree, impaired your rights, it was impossible that it could have impaired the rights of the Clergy and the Noblesse, which were as ancient and as sacred as yours.

Even if one could possibly suppose, that a whole nation would be indifferent to the security of their property, the idea of the return of that property to its ancient owners must have given rise to the horrid apprehension of a return of all the ancient oppressions of the Feudal System, under which the people of that fine country were wretched slaves. If the estates returned, the seigneuries would have returned; for, such things If, in spite of the fair claim that these are never done by halves. Indeed, the two orders had upon you; if you, firmly power which was found sufficient to dis-seated yourself, had disregarded these possess people of their landed property would have been more than sufficient for every other purpose. And, when we know, that the Feudal System sent thou sands of persons annually to the Galleys for offences now unknown to France; when we know that the petit Seigneurs were, in many instances, judges as well as accusers; that the litigations and vexations arising from their multifarious jurisdictions were endless; that justice was almost openly bought and sold in their barbarous courts; and that, in many cases, their power extended to the taking away of life itself. When we know all this, can we be surprized, that the people of France trembled at the sound of any name connected with the recollection of the Ancient Regime?

It is not my design to insinuate, that any blame rests on you for any of the causes to which I ascribe your expulsion. I really do not blame you for any part of them. If there were some things done contrary to your promise, it was evident to me, that you were unable to fulfil your promise. And, if your Government was taking great strides towards the restoration of the Noblesse and the Clergy in the possession of their property, it is very clear, that you had not the power to prevent it; and, indeed (promises out of the question), that you were bound to effect such restoration, or to risk, at least, your crown in the attempt.

The right of the Noblesse and of the Clergy to their estates, to their privileges and to all the feudal powers attached to their titles and domains rested upon

companions of your exile, or had pleaded the public good for the abandonment of those who had been proscribed along with yourself, they might, and they, doubtless, would, have reminded you of your protest, dated from Coblentz, in 1791, in which you and the other Princes of the Blood DENIED that LOUIS XVI had any RIGHT to accept a Constitution which gave up the rights of the Clergy and the Noblesse; that gave up any of their rights, their tythes, their church-lands, or their feudal titles, privileges, or powers. These two Orders, therefore, might with perfect consistency, have charged you with having violated your pledge to them, even as things stood; and, at any rate, they had a right to demand of you to do every thing in your power to smooth the way for their restoration, your own having been effected. To have done less than you did, must have exposed you to the execration of these Orders and to the contempt of mankind; and yet you did a great deal too much to make your reign bearable to the people of France.

your

Thus, Sir, in the best defence of conduct, is found the proof that it was impossible for you to reign in France, and also the proof, that your family never can, except for a short time, and that, too, by the aid of a foreign force, reign in that country. The present French are not only unlike the French of 1787,but they are precisely the opposite. They are of a new character. Their manners their habits, their minds, all are changed. They never received you back. You

England." All, we are told, bears the nrarks of morality, plenty, and hap piness; and, when he asked what had "become of the old miserable peasantry,"

the fendal rights and the ancient regime.

were put upon the throne while a foreign [ it was before. The principles they have force was stationed in the capital; and, to contend against are precisely the same. the moment they had an opportunity But the people of France are now in they expelled you. If, however, there actual possession of the fair fruits of those could have been any doubts upon this principles. They are a changed people. subject before, there can be none now. Their state is prosperous. Beggary, If there were any persons weak enough poverty, servility, have been banished to believe, that it was possible for you to from their soil. Those who have travel-return without the Noblesse and the led through France to witness the deClergy, that belief must now be at an struction and misery, occasioned by the end; and, therefore, it appears very clear revolution, have returned and told us, to me, that any war, which shall have that they could find no traces of either. your restoration, or that of any part of They have found healthy, decent, happy your family, in view, can produce nothing proprietors, where they formerly saw but misery, a waste of money and a waste squalid and ragged slaves. "From of lives. "DIEPPE to MONTPELLIER" say To make war upon France for the Mr. BIRKBECK, we saw not one of purpose of compelling her to change her" those poor famished looking creatures. rulers is, however, what, I imagine, no "who are to be seen in every parish, I pation in Europe will be weak enough "had almost said, on every farm, in openly to avow. And yet, what other real object can awar against her have, if she forbears from new aggressions? Napoleon to all other traits of greatness in his character has now added that he was told that they disappeared with which rarely falls to the lot of man, namely, to acknowledge his errors. He, after being long borne on the wings of military glory; after seeing every contimental sovereign at his feet, has returned to the dictates of moderation and to the principles of freedom. The men, whom he has now called to his councils are the very men, or the survivors of them, at feast, who founded the Republic; who built all government upon the sovereignty of the people; who declared that rulers were made for nations, and not nations for rulers; who insisted, that all taxes were robberies, unless proceeding from the people's consent, and who rejected with indignation the doctrine, that birth without merit constituted a clain to superiority, except for the sake of the public good hereditary succession was thought necessary to the chief of the state. These were the principles of the constitution which your unfortunate bro-the-impreving arts of peace. In these ther accepted. And these are the prinriples upon which Napoleon now reigns, As in1792, he disavows, in the most explicit wanner, all views of foreign conquest, less first attacked. I would hope, for the sake of my country, that another crusade against Jacobinism is net now about to begur; and yet, I must say, that fears

If it is to be begun, however, the cause the crusaders is far more hopeless than

This state of things, therefore, renders the example of France infinitely more formidable than ever to those, if there be any such, who are; for whatever reasons, afraid of the effects of that example. I am quite ready to acknowledge this but, who will attempt to justify a war against France, lest the contagion of her principles; lest the contagion of her freedom and her happiness should extend itself beyond her geographical limits? For years past we are told, by those who had contended for war against her principles, that now her principles were no longer to be dreaded, seeing that the result of them was carnage and misery. But, no sooner do events enable us to see for ourselves than we find, that, while she was carrying her victorious arms to every capital on the continent, she was flourishing at home amidst the

facts, which will daily become more and more notorious; wider and wider spread, there is, I must confess, cause, and very ample cause, for tyrants to hate France, and to wish to urge war against " her to avoid a communication with her people. But, for that very reason it is the duty of every friend of freedom 10 endeavour to prevent such war."

Fam, &c. &c. W. COBBETT. April, 4th, 1815.

THE REGENT'S MESSAGE.

of our not going to war with France, or in that country, if we should be so unwise as to renew the contest, and as it may be necessary to refer to it in future discussions, I have annexed a copy of it to this article. To me it appears to favour the doctrine of assassination; but I may be wrong in this opinion, Ministers have disclaimed this construction of it, and I am willing to give them

66

Contrary to general expectation; contrary at least to the war-breathing and sanguin ary wishes of the conductors of ourCossack newspapers; contrary to the views of the numerous herd of public contractors; contrary to the anxious desires of naval and military promotion hunters; but extremely consolatory to my mind, and, 1 trust, to the minds of all those who sin-credit for the disclaimation. In the Times cerely love their country, and wish the and Courier, however, the writers of these happiness of the human race; the Prince detestable papers have the audacity to Regent's Message to Parliament is not tell their readers, in direct opposition to a Declaration of War against France, the disavowal of ministers, that it was either for the overthrew of Napoleon, or the intention of the Allies to give Naporestoration of the Bourbons.-The follow- leon up to the dagger of the assassin.→ ing is a copy:-George P. R. The Even so late as the 6th inst. the Courier Prince Regent, acting in the name and speaks of the Declaration as a measure by on the behalf of his Majesty, thinks which the sovereigns of Europe have "it right to inform the House of Com" put him (Napoleon) out of the pale of mons, that the events which have re- "the law, and SET A CAIN MARK UPON cently occurred in France, in direct" HIM." No language can be plainer contravention of the engagements con- than this. The denunciation upon Cain, "cluded with the Allied Powers, at Paris, the murderer of his brother, as recorded "in the month of April last, and which in the Bible, was, a fugitive and a va"threaten consequences highly dange-"gabond shalt thou be on the earth;" "rous to the tranquillity and independ- which Cain immediately interpreted thus, ence of Europe, have induced his "And it shall come to pass, that every Royal Highness to give directions for "one that findeth me shall stay me.”"the augmentation of his Majesty's land It would seem, notwithstanding the atro"and sea forces.-The Prince Regent city which this man had been guilty of, "has likewise deemed it incumbent upon that it was not intended he should be put him, to lose no time in entering into to death, without some form of law; communications with his Majesty's Al- therefore a mark was put upon his fore"lies, for the purpose of forming such head, "lest any finding him should kill a concert as may most effectually pro"him." But the Courier tell us that the "vide FOR THE GENERAL AND PER. allies have put Napoleon "out of the pale "MANENT SECURITY OF EUROPE."of the law"; which can have no other "And his Royal Highness confidently meaning than that he should be put to relies on the support of the House of death without trial by any one who chooses "Commons, in all measures which may to become his assassin; and that there are "be necessary for the accomplishment of people ready to perform this very honora"this important object."-The effect ble deed, is pretty evident from the manwhich this moderate language has al-ner in which the doctrine of assassination ready had, upon our infamous newspaper is discussed in, what is called, the free press, forms, indeed, a striking contrast press of this virtuous, this moral, this to the outrageous abuse, with which religious country.-Amongst the innumerhas teemed, ever since the return of Na-able falsehoods that have lately been propoleon, particularly since the famous de- pagated by the men of blood, to excite claration of the Allies of the 13th ult. a new war against France, I am glad to which, from its extraordinary complex- find one of these pointedly contradicted ion, I was, at first, inclined to consider by Ministers which encouraged the belief a forgery; but which, I am not sorry to that "there was a secret article in the find, was really put forth by the ministreaty of Paris, by which this country ters of the crowned heads, assembled at "became bound to support Louis XVIII, Vienna. As the publication of this de-in case of insurrection in France." claration is likely to produce some im- This has been formally and officially con portant changes at home, in the event tradicted in both Houses of Parliament,

They declare at the same time, that firmly resolved to maintain entire the Treaty of Paris of 30th May, 1814, and the dispo sitions sanctioned by that Treaty, and those which they have resolved on, or shall hereafter resolve on, to complete and to consolidate it, they will employ all their means, and will unite all their efforts; that the general peace, the object of the wishes of Europe, and the constant purpose of their labours, may not again be troubled; and to guarantee against every attempt which shall threaten to replunge the world into the disorders and miseries of revolutions. And although entirely persuaded that all France, rallying round its legitimate Sovereign, will immediately annihilate this last attempt of a criminal and impotent delirium; all the Sovereigns of Europe animated by the same sentiments, and guid

What then can those advocates for perpetual war now say, when they find their favourite project a civil war, an insurrection against Napoleon's Government, so soon blown into air? One would have thought that the miserable termination of the La Vendee war in 1792 would ha, taught these men the folly of relying on so rotten a foundation. We are every day told that Napoleon is a monster and a despot, and that he cares no more for the people of France than to make them the tools to serve his private ends, and promote his ambitious projects. But let those who hold him up in: this light, recollect the magnanimity of his conduct, when he abdicated the throne of France, and consented to be an exile, father than allow one drop of French blood to be shed for his personal rights. -Let them remember this unparalleled instance of maguanimity, and let themed by the same principles, declare that if, compare it with their own endeavours to create a civil war in France, in support of an unnatural claim to the crown against the unanimous suffrage of the whole people. If they are capable at all of feeling repugnance, for error, this comparison would make them blush for their infamous conduct, and hide their heads in silence for ever.

DECLARATION.

The Powers who have signed the Treaty of Paris, assembled at the Congress. at: Vienna, being informed of the escape of NAPOLEON BONAPARTE, and of his entrance into France with an armed force, owe it to their own dignity and the interest of social order, to make solemn declaration of the sentiments which this events has excited in them. By thus breaking the conventions which Iras established him in the islands of Elba, Bonaparte destroys the only legal title on which bis existence dependedby appearing again ins Frances with projects of confusion and disorder; he has deprived himself of the protection of the law, and bas manifested to the universe, that there can be either peace nor truce with him. The Powers consequently déclare, that Napoleon Bonaparte has placed himself without the pale of civil and social relations; and that as an enemy and disturber of the tran quillity of the world he has rendered

self liable to public vengeance.

contrary to all calculations, there should result from this event any real danger, they will be ready to give to the King of France, and to the. French nation, or to any other Government that shall be attacked, as soon as they shall be called upon, all the assistance requisite to re-. store public tranquillity, and to make a common cause against all those who should undertake to compromise it. The. present Declaration inserted in the Register of the Congress assembled at Vienna, on the 13th March, 1815, shall be made public. Done and attested by the. Plenipotentiaries of the High Powers who signed the Treaty of Paris, Vienna; 13th. March, 1815.

Here follow the signatures, in the alphabetical order of the Courts: Austria.-Prince

Metternich, Baron

ON RELIGIOUS PERSECUTION.

LETTER

VIII.

be so sincere and serious as those who are induced to officiate through the

"We do not pretend to destroy error by force and impulse of their own feelings, which is

"

46

"violence."

commonly termed "a call of God." If a nobleman or gentleman has several sons, the principal part of his fortunegoes to the eldest, and the remainder must fleece the public in the character of a priest, a soldier, or a legalized pickpocket. How many a young man is brought up to the trade of a priest with

Discourse of the Clergy of France to Louis- 13th, MIRABAND, in his System de la Nature; which may be considered the Bible of Materialism, says, that "Preists unceas"ingly repeat, it is pride, vanity, and "the desire of distinguishing himself from "the generality of mankind, that deter-out having the least taste for the craft, mines man to incredulity. In this they or a single serious view; yet, before he "act like the great,who treat all those as can be admitted into the exercise of his "insolent who refuse to cringe before business, he is obliged to make a false "them. Would not every rational man oath, and swear he is moved by the "have a right to ask a Priest-Where Holy Ghost to take that office upon him, "is thy superiority in matters of reason- when he ought rather to say, "I am ing!-What motives can I have to sub-moved by the spirit of emolument.""mit my reason to thy delirium?-On | But even these kind of men, unless they the other hand, may it not be said to are thinkers, are not always hypo"the Clergy, that it is Interest that crites. Though they do not act up to makes them priests; that it is Interest the character of a spiritual: christian, " which renders them heologians; that their education has led them to believe it is the interest of their pride, of their in the truth of their religion.--I am aware avarice, and then Systems, of which that thousands of them do not credit "they alone-reap the besein."-t is a what they preach, because the studies of› great misfortune that the bulk of Man- many learned men have the unfortunate kind can seluon give those persons cre- tendency of leading them to scepticism; dit ferrate ormeerity whose opinions but I will be bold to assert, that the are nauch opposed to their own.--For my bulk of them firmly believe their religion part, (as a primitive Christian) i am a to be genuine and authentic, and that dechied enemy to an order of men called some few have that warm interest in their Priests, because I am convm, ed shat Jesus system which is called piety. was too sensible a person to have invent- Esoterical and exoterical doctrines, are ed, or encouraged, in the slightest degree, not so much in use now, as they were an institution so pregnant with Calami- among the ancients, who inculcated st ty to the Church of God as that of Priest-perstition only among the lower orders, craft:—And though I think that the Sys- while they initiated every enlightened tems of Feligion mest in vogue at person into the pure and simple precepts present ought to be denominated of NATURE. But with us there are thouPristianity, instead of Christianity, sands of accomplished scholars, and perI am by no means so illiberal as to assert sons of rank, who still retain the prethat all priests are hypocrites. I am judices of education, it being no part seriously persuaded that numbers of of our civil or religious polity, to free them take up their cfice entirely them from these shackles. I am willing throughs. zeal and enthusiast in the to admit, what Miraband says of the cause of Christ,) and with the sole view Priests, that their interest must necessato the salvation of souls, by bringingrily attach them to systems from which them within the pale of their convenice. they reap so much benefit. We all This, to be Sure, is most applicable to know that nothing is more than interest the dissenting interest; for having, in calculated to entrap us. But how weak the days of my youth, been a fanatic, is their argument, when they assert, and a pre- cher among them, I ought to that it is pride, vanity, and a desire of be acquainted with some of the motive distinguishing themselves from their felthat influence the conduct. With low creatures, that determines them to regard to the State region, its ministers infidelity. I should like to be informed are brought up to it in a more trades-what advantage any man has gained, by malike manner, and are not likely to being a professed unbeliever? Or, whe