ÆäÀÌÁö À̹ÌÁö
PDF
ePub
[blocks in formation]

Bewick, C.

LIST OF THE MINORITY IN THE HOUSE Barnard, Viscount

OF COMMONS,

FOR RECEIVING THE CITY PETIT.ON,

Abercrombie, Hou. J. Kemp,·

Birch, Josephi

Brand, Hon. Thos.

Byng, George

Buller, James

[blocks in formation]

Burdett, Sir F.

[blocks in formation]

Calvert, Charles

[blocks in formation]

Cavendishi, Ld. G.

[blocks in formation]

Cavendish, Henry

Bennett, Hon. H.

Cavendish, Charles

Baring, Sir T.

Chaloner, R.

Barham, J. F.

Langton, W. G.

Maddox, W. A.

Martin, J.

Martin, H.

Monck, Sir C.
Moore, Peter
Mackintosh, Sir J.
Montgomery, Sir H.
Newport, Sir J.
Osborne, Lord F.

Pierse, H.

Phillips, G.

Piggott, Sir A,

Milton, Ld.

Montgomery, Sir H.

Newport, Sir J.

Coke, Thomas

Campbell, Hon, J.
Carew, R.S.
Dundas, Charles
Dundas, Hon. L.

Prittie, Hon. F. A.

Plumer, W.

Ponsonby, Right Ha. G.

P5m, Francis

Paullet, Honourable H.

Vane

Ramsden, S. C.
Romilly, Sir S.
Rowley, Sir Wm.
Scudamore, R. P.

[blocks in formation]

Duncannon, Vist.

[blocks in formation]
[blocks in formation]
[blocks in formation]
[blocks in formation]
[blocks in formation]

Foley, Col. T.

[blocks in formation]

Gordon, R.
Grant, J. P.

Guise, Sir William
Horner, F.

Smith, J.

Seabright, Sir J.

Tavistock, Marquis
Taylor, M. Angelo
Tierney, Rt. Hon. G.

Robinson, A.
Smith, W.

[blocks in formation]
[blocks in formation]
[blocks in formation]
[blocks in formation]
[blocks in formation]
[blocks in formation]
[blocks in formation]
[blocks in formation]
[blocks in formation]
[blocks in formation]

TELLERS.-Hon. H. Bennett and Sir M. Ridley.

[blocks in formation]

TELLERS-Alderman Atkius and Sir William Lefevre, C. Shaw

Curtis.

[blocks in formation]

Printed and Published by G. HOUSTON, No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed to

the Editor, are requested to be forwarded.

VOL. XXVII. No. 19.] LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 13, 1815. [Price Is.

577]

LETTER VII.'

To the EARL of LIVERPOOL, On the part which America is likely to take in a War between England and France.

[578

I am of opinion, that France alone is now, as she was in 1793, more than a match for the coalition against her. But, I am further of opinion, that, before the war against her be six months old, you will see America taking a part in it, unless you carefully abstain from every thing that can be construed into a violation of neutral maritime rights.

War, or peace, with America, will de

subject. I shall here deal in prophecies again; and shall not be at all afraid of proving, in the end, to have been a false prophet. You appear to me now to be in a very fair way of adding another six hundred millions to our debt, and of bringing the guinea up to forty shillings, instead of MY LORD, From several parts of twenty-eight shillings, at which point it America I have received thanks for my is now arrived. I wish to prevent this; Letters to your Lordship on the subject of and, if I do not succeed, I shall, at any the American wa The people in Ame-rate, have these pages to refer to, when rica think, or, at least, many of them the mischief has taken place, and when think, that those Letters had great weight few besides myself will be able to say that in producing the peace of Ghent, than they did all in their power to prevent it. which you and your colleagues never adopted any measure more wise nor in better time. Yet, you have never thanked me for my advice. You, to whom the peace was much more necessary than to Mr. MADISON, have never acknowledged your obligations to me. You have appeared to be sulky with me, though I taught you so exactly what to do, in order to avoid the great evils which were coming upon you from all quarters. The conse-pend upon the opinions of the people in quences of the Americau war were fore- that country. The people there are really sold by me nearly two years before the and truly represented in the Congress, war began. I told you that you would There are no vile sham elections in the have war, if you persevered in seizing United States. That which the people men on board of American ships on the wills will be done. The Americans are a high seas. You did persevere; and you sensible people; they all read from a press had war. I told you that the Americans which is really free; they discuss all poliwould beat you in fighting, if you con- tical matters freely. They love peace; tinued the war for two years. You con- they would prefer peace; they would tinued the war, and they did beat you. make some sacrifices to peace; but they I told you, that you would never have will never hesitate a moment in preferring peace, if you demanded any concession war to slavery or dependance. from America. You insisted on great Concessions on her part as a sine qua non of peace; and, after three months more, you made peace by giving up every thing, not excepting the sine qua non itself. In short, you expended fifty millions of money, and lost, I dare say, thirty thousand men, in accomplishing nothing, except treating a navy in America, causing her manufactures to flourish, and implanting in the hearts of Americans, for ages, a hatred of the English government.

I remind you of these things, in order to bespeak your attention on the present

pre

Now, then, what is likely to be the view which the Americans will take of the sent scene in Europe? And what are likely to be their feelings with regard to what is passing in this quarter of the world? It is very easy for our corrupt press to persuade the alarmed and selfish part of England that it is necessary to plunge the country into war, in order to root out the present government of France. But, it will not be so easy for any body to persuade the American people that such an undertaking is just. They will see the matter in its true light. They will see that

T

Napoleon has been replaced at the head of the alledged traitors took shelter in of the government by the will of the peo-Gibraltar, they were given up to their ple of France; they will see that he has hunters, and that when complaint of this had the wisdom and virtue to abandon his was made in our parliament, the reply ambitious projects; they will see that he was, that "we had no right to interfere has voluntarily confined himself within the in the domestic affairs of Spain." The ancient limits of France; they will see Americans will ask, why this principle is that he has tendered the olive branch to all not applied to the domestic affairs of surrounding nations; they will see that he France. They will ask, not for vile, means to contend solely for the independ- foul-mouthed abuse of Napoleon and the ence of France; they will see that he French people; but for some proof of our has returned, as nearly as circumstances right to interfere against him. will permit, to the principles of 1789; Having seen all these things; having they will see that he has provided for the seen what we and our Allies have been at people being really represented in the Lein every part of Europe; having seen that gislature; they will see that there is to be the people of France is the only people in no religious persecution, and no predomi- Europe living under a government apnant church in France; they will see that proaching towards a resemblance to their the French people have derived great be own, they will want very little to assist mefits from the revolution, and that now them in forming a correct opinion as to all these benefits are to be confirmed to the real object of the war against France, them; in France they will see a free peo-if such war should now, without provo ple, and in Napoleon they will see the cation on the part of France, be resolved Soldier of Freedom.

On the other hand, they will ask what right England, or any other power, can have to interfere in the internal affairs of France; they will ask why England should not treat with him now as well as at Amiens; why not treat with him as well as with the Directory at Lille. They will ask why England should refuse to treat with him, from whom she received the Islands of Ceylon and Trinidad. They will ask what can be the real object, the ultimate object, of a coalition of those powers who were assembled at Vienna, and who were disposing of states at their pleasure.

The Americans have seen the republic

of Genoa given to the of Sardinia;

on.

It appears to me, therefore, that the American people will, at least, feel great interest in this war, much greater than they felt in the last war; and, that as they have just laid down their arms, after a contest in defence of their maritime rights, they will, the moment they hear of this war, prepare again for that defence, America, in all likelihood, will again be the only neutral nation. There will be no Milan and Berlin Decrees to give a pretence for Orders in Council. So that, if we trench upon her rights, her ground of war will be cleared of all confusion. She will stand upon her indisputable rights. And, if she be left in the full and free enjoyment King of her advantages as a neutral power, she they have seen Poland parcelled out be will carry on three-fourths of the com tween Prussia, Russia, and Austria; they merce of the world. Our cruizers may tate seen the fleet of Denmark taken keep at sea, but it will be only to witness away; they have seen the people of the the increase of her mercantile marine, and Republic of Holland sunk into the sub- all the proofs of her wonderful prosperity. jects of a King; they have seen the Re-France will receive all that she wants from public of Venice transferred to the Emperor of Austria; they have seen the Pope replaced with the Jesuits at his heels; they have seen, that, in Spain, where a free constitution had been formed by men who had been fighting on our side, the King has been brought back; that he has destroyed this Constitution; that he has treated the makers of it as traitors; that he has re-established the inquisition which Napoleon had abolished; that when two

foreign countries by American ships. Ame rica will supply her with colonial produce, and with certain articles of manufacture. The latter will, through the same chaanel, find an outlet for much of her abund ant produce. These two countries will become much more closely connected than ever, and we should come out of the war shorn of our means, while the means of all sorts of America would be found to be prodigiously increased.

[ocr errors]

But, my Lord, is it quite certain that the people of America would not feel strongly disposed to take part in this war against us? They see that France is the only country left with a government resembling their own. Great as is their distance from Europe, they have felt, that, when left to be dealt with single-handed, their very existence, as an independant nation, was put in jeopardy. There were many persons in America, who loudly blamed the President, Washington, for not taking part with the French, even when America had not a single public ship of war. They reasoned thus:-that EngJand was, from the nature of her force, as well as the situation of her dominions, the only enemy that America had to fear; that she had never ceased to demonstrate a hostile mind towards America; that she saw in America not only a successful example of democratic revolution, but a dangerous rival in commerce and maritime power; that she only waited for a favourable moment to use all her force to crush this rising rival; and, therefore, it was less dangerous to declare, at once, for the Republic of France, and make common cause with her, than to wait the issue of the contest, in which, if France should fall, America could not long survive without, at least, another long and bloody war upon her own soil.

to the well-governing of other nations. When they saw the ficet called upon officially by the Lords of the Admiralty to finish the American war in such a way as would insure the LASTING TRÁNQUILLITY OF THE CIVILIZED WORLD. When they heard the English prints call upon the people of New England to separate themselves from the Union. When they heard it predicted, in these prints, that Mr. MADISON would be put to death, and that the people would form a connection with the PARENT state. And, when, upon the heels of all these predictions and threats, they saw an army actually sent off from France to fight against America; when they saw that identical army, which had been engaged against Napoleon, sent to invade America by the way of Lake Champlain; when they saw the war of fire and plunder carried on upon their sea-coast. When those who were for war on the side of the French Republic, in 1793, saw all these things in 1814, how they must have triumphed!

America must feel great confidence in herself from her past achievements. The skill and bravery of her seamen and landtroops must give her great confidence. But, there is no man who reflects (and the Americans are a reflecting people) who will not perceive, that, with all her valour This was the reasoning against neutra- and all her virtue, America has had a very lity in 1793. How these reasoners must narrow escape; and, that, if all had been have triumphed in 1814! When they quite settled in Europe, she would have saw all ground of dispute between Eng- had to carry on a much longer and more land and America removed by the close bloody contest. It cannot but be evident of the war in Europe. When they saw, to the American Statesman, that, if France that, instead of this producing in England were to be completely subdued; if she a disposition to make peace, it only pro- were reduced to that state to be obliged duced redoubled activity in the war. When to receive a ruler dictated by us and our they read, in the very same English news-allies; if her hands and feet were thus papers that told them of the abdication of Napoleon, that NOW, NOW, NOW! was the happy moment for crushing America; for putting an end to "the existence of the mischievous example of democratic rebellion" exhibited in the American Union. When they heard their President and the majority of the Congress denominated, in these same papers "rebels and traitors." When they saw, in the report of a speech of a Lord of the Admiralty, that Mr. MADISON was to be deposed, as Napoleon had been deposed. When they saw the breaking up of the American Union represented as absolutely necessary

tied for ages; and, if the situation of all Europe were such as to leave the whole undivided power of England to be employed against America, the situation of the latter would be, at least, very unpleasant, not to say precarious. And, if such a person considers what were the real objects of England in 1814, the manner in which the war terminated, and what an excellent memory she has, he must be a bold man indeed if he feel no apprehensions at the total subjugation of France.

It has not been forgotten in America, that, directly after the abdication of Napoleon, there appeared an article in our

T2

newspapers, stating, that there was a SE-, much more able to defend herself than she CRET ARTICLE in the TREATY OF PA- was in 1793, a proof of which she has RIS, stipulating, that none of the parties, given in her recent war against the undiRussia, Prussia, Austria, and France, vided force of England. On the other should interfere in our war against Ame-hand, it is contended, that, though America. This news was given as copied from the Vienna Gazette. The Vienna Gazette is under the immediate controul of the government there. The Americans paid great and deserved attention to this; and, must they not have lamented to see France reduced to such a state? They afterwards saw, that there was no safety for their ships of war or their prizes in the ports of France. They saw, in short, that the Bourbons, holding their power almost at the mercy of England, afforded not the smallest hope of any support against so formidable a power as England. Then it was, that many Americans blamed Mr. MADISON, not for resisting the exercise of our alledged right of impressment; but, on the contrary, for not having sooner made war against us in alliance with France. They told him, that he was, at last, in a state to be able to appreciate the wisdom of keeping aloof from France on account of the title of her ruler. They laughed at him for his scruples to make common cause with an Emperor, while he saw England having allies in the Turk, the Pope, the Algerines, and the Indians; and they laughed at him the more, when they recollected, that America had won her independence while in an alliance offensive and defensive with a Bourbon King of France.

However, many of the causes which kept America aloof from France are now removed. The principles of 1793 are again adopted in France; the system of reforming by means of conquest is abandoned; Napoleon will have learnt how to respect the rights and to value the character of America. Experience has taught the Americans what they have to expect under certain circumstances. The latter are in no danger from France; they never can be in danger from France; and, Frenchtown and Alexandria will remind them what danger they are in from England.

rica be so much more powerful than she was in 1793, England, loaded as she is with debts and taxes, is more formidable than she would have been in 1793, even if she had then subdued France; for, though the people of England suffer, the government has more force at its command; and, what is more for its advantage, the country is brought into that sort of state which makes war almost necessary. If her paupers have increased three-fold, her armed men and her means of destruction have increased five-fold. She is be-> come a nation of fighters. She possesses all the means of destroying. And, say these reasoners, it is not only subjugation against which America ought to guard: it is her duty to guard herself also against devastation and plunder. Besides, say they, England has now less powerful motives to the exercise of forbearance towards. America. While the latter was without manufactures; while England had almost a monopoly in the supplying of America ; the former saw in the prosperity of the latter the means of augmenting her own riches and power. But now the case is different; England sees in America even a manufacturing rival; and, what is still more provoking, she sees in America a rival in naval power and renown. There fore, say they, she must and she will desire our destruction; whether she will at tempt it again will depend upon her and our means of attack and resistance.

It must be confessed, that our infamous newspapers have given but too much reason to the Americans upon this head. For, they have published lists of the American navy and accounts of the Ame rican shipping and manufactures; and, having dwelt upon their magnitude and on their rapid increase, they have called upon your Lordship and your colleagues to prosecute the war for the purpose of destroying these evidences of rising power and wealth. They have contended, that it was just to It is said, by some persons in America, carry on war against America to destroy that, though it might have been wise to her navy, to destroy her shipping and seek permanent security in 1793, by en- manufactures; and to obtain, at least, a tering into the war on the side of the Re-stipulation from her, not to build ships of public of France, it would not be wise war beyond a certain number and a certain now, seeing that America has become so sic. They have contended that such a

« ÀÌÀü°è¼Ó »