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"to all who reverenced the politics of that great statesman, Mr. Pitt, as he did, that "they had lived to see that reduced to practice which his great mind, when "given to the consideration of this impor"tant question, had fondly imagined in the "abstract as the utmost of his wishes.”— Lived to see what reduced to practice, my Lord? To practice! Why, there is no part of the plan yet reduced to practice, Treaties have, indeed, been made; but, there is a battle to be fought to decide whether those treaties are to have effect. I know nothing of Pitt's schemes that has yet succeeded. He told the nation in 1793, that it had to fight for its existence; and so you and your colleagues and supporters tell the nation now. It is, at any rate, a little premature to boast of your great statesman's success. He had a plan for

he, and those who acted with him, must 66 ever feel the highest deference and ad," "miration-Mr. PITT. He (Mr. Pitt) when contemplating the possible success "of a great confederation against France, "had considered that general arrange"ment which had been in a great measure "carried into effect, to be that which "would prove most conducive to the hap"piness of Europe. He (Lord Castlereagh) was prepared to shew when the question came before the House, that "the decisions which had been made with "respect to the immediate interests of this "country, were more advantageous than "those fondly contemplated by Mr. Pitt, "as the consequences of successful war.— "He had not hoped that such good con"ditions could be obtained for Holland as "had been secured at the Congress. Mr. "Pitt had considered it necessary to ex-paying off the National Debt, and the tend the power of Prussia beyond the Debt has become more than four times as Rhine, and the annexation of Genoa great as it was when he adopted his plan. with Piedmont was a part of his plan, He had a plan for ruining the finances of much as that arrangement had of late France; and, at the end of four years "been censured by those in opposition to from that time, he passed a bill to autho"the present Government. At an early rize the Bank of England to refuse pay. "period of the late war, at least when the ment of their notes in cash. He had a "successes of the Allies had first given a plan for inducing the people of England 66 prospect of a successful termination of to arm for their country's defence, and he "the struggle against France, soon after passed a Bill to authorize the keeping up "the Russian army had crossed the Vis- of Hanoverian Regiments in England. He "tula, he (Lord Castlereagh) had trans- had a plan for reducing the French by "mitted a copy of the dispatch of Mr. the means of famine; and we have now a "Pitt to the Ambassador of the Emperor Corn Bill to prevent the French from pour"Alexander, and desired to be apprized ing in upon us the superabundance of their "if any, and what alteration had taken provisions. But, you will say, "allow, "place in the views of Russia with respect "at any rate, that his plan for destroying "to that plan in the event of the contest French principles succeeded." No: for "being brought to a successful issue. they are not destroyed; and, all the The answer to this communication in-speakers in favour of war insist, that we formed him, that the Emperor of Rus- shall now be devoured by these same sia had nothing to state in departure French principles, unless we destroy them ❝ from the principles of the arrangement by war. The passage, which I have taken laid down by Mr. Pitt in 1805. This for my motto, expresses the sentiments of .66 was some proof of their solidity, and the whole of the war party. It is, indeed, on these principles England had gone in the mouths of them all, that war, and "into the contest closely united in the war only, can save us from French prin"views with her Allies. Acting on these ciples.-Therefore, we are, in this respect, "feelings which had regulated his con- just where your great statesman set out duct, however he might be sensible that with us; but, we have added to our debt it was not possible an arrangement with and taxes fourfold, and we have found, any particular power could fix the rela-that, with the Bourbons on the throne, tions of all Europe; and feeling as he did, that as all Europe must co-operate in the great work, it could only be ef"fected in a spirit of compromise; yet ❝ was it no small satisfaction to him, and

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we cannot live in peace, without greater distress even than that occasioned by war.

The Pitt Club" may toast as long as they please; but, I am of opinion, that, whether in peace or war, the Pitt System

will very soon have produced consequences that will defy longer disguise.

had continued.- -But the troops! the troops! Let us see the muster-roll of those who are to destroy French principles by means of powder and ball.--Mr. GRATTAN said, you had 600,000 of these gentlemen preservers of religion and social order; but you carry the number much higher, in your published reported speech of the 26th of May, wherein you give this thinking nation the following

V. Of the great means of the Allies against France, including subsidies. Your Lordship said, upon this point, that you had, thus," endeavoured to open the "general ground of the war, trusting much 66 to the MIND, the INTELLIGENCE, the EXPERIENCE, and EXTENSIVE "KNOWLEDGE ofthe HOUSE! which "had, for twenty-five years, dwelt on "passing events. Although painful to "his feelings to make a proposition of "As far as Austria was concerned, "this nature, instead of realising those "there were in full operation, ready to "BRILLIANT PROSPECTS of peace" act and be put in motion, an army of

"and security, which, after so many ex66 ertions, the country had a right to con"template, yet he felt much consolation in 66 comparing our present situation with that in which we stood in the course of

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46

MUSTER ROLL.

"150,000 men in Italy, sufficient of itself
"to satisfy the stipulations in the treaty.
"But this power would have an army of
"extent in another quarter towards the
"Rhine, so that instead of 150,000, we
66 might consider the operating and effec-
"tive army to amount to 300,000 men.—
"With respect to the Russian force, he
"had the satisfaction to state, that the
"Emperor had engaged in the present
" contest with that decision which marked
the whole of his conduct throughout the
"late eventful war, and had resolved to
call out a great part of the forces of his
mighty empire. General Barclay de
"Tolly was at the head of as fine an army
as ever was called out on service in any
country, having such ample means of
"selection in their power. The force in
"the ranks under him, which would ar-
"rive at the Rhine, amounted to 225,000

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"former wars. We were not now con-
tending for our own safety, without a
46 single Ally, against the power of the
66 enemy.
Let the House recollect, that
even at that moment, when engaged in
"the prosecution of our own moral duty,
our aid was required for Portugal and
Spain, we had not hesitated to interpose
our strong hand: we had felt bold in"
"the justice of our cause, and became
"the protectors of other countries. This
"resolution had been pursued with a de-
gree of perseverance, which did honor to
"the country. We had struggledthrough
"the storm-we survived the period of
calamity, and had the satisfaction of
"seeing those two nations freed, and the men, and as this army was accompanied
"whole of Europe confederated against
66 by a number of volunteers, it would ar
"France, instead of being combined
"rive at the Rhine as complete in num-
46 against us. It was, therefore, evident, "bers as when it left the Russian empire.
"that we now started from a different" There was assembled besides on the
point. We were then fighting against
frontiers another army of 150,000 men,
"France, and the whole power of Europe. under General Wittgenstein; and the
All Europe was now contending with Emperor had signified to his Royal High-
us against France: nay, a strong com- ness the Prince Regent his readiness to
"bination in France itself was probably put in motion this army, if exigencies
formed on our side, so that we were "should render such a measure necessary.
fighting with the Powers of the Conti-"No money that it was in our power to
nent and a portion of France, against "grant could create such an army-all
"the usurpation of Bonaparte and of "that we could possibly do was to assist
"the army." Oh! this makes you feel" them in their efforts. That force of
consolation, does it? I wish you could" 225,000 men was very nearly advanced
hear what the press of America will say "to the Rhine, and in such a state of mi-
upon this. And, what were the. "bril- "litary efficiency as was never exceeded
liant prospects" of peace and security?" by any army.-The third Power which
The prospects of peace were worse, were "had made such great exertions during
more gloomy, more wretched, than those "the last war, to the great admiration of
of war. We had lost all, even if peace" every man, had not confined himself to

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VI. Of the small means of the French to defend themselves.-Upon this subject it was said

"the stipulations of the Treaty, but had "gency."-Hourra, Pat! here we go at "six corps, of 236,000 men in the the Jacobins! How this must have de"whole, in an effective state. But the lighted the eyes and gladdened the hearts "House were entitled to inquire from of those worthy and zealous gentlemen, the "him, and he was anxious to anti- General Assembly of the Kirk of Scot66 cipate them in their wish for informa- land, who have been the first, and, as ❝tion, whether our pecuniary assistance yet, the only body of men, who have pre"was to be confided to the three great sented an address in favour of war. "Powers, and whether such other Powers "as might join the common cause were "to share all the difficulties, without re"ceiving any extent of assistance? He 66 thought it right that the House should "know what was the extent of that de"scription of force, and what was the "value of the aid which they were likely "to receive from us. Having stated the "force of the great Powers, he did not "wish to enter into a statement of the "force of each subordinate Power. Con

By the EARL of LIVERPOOL, that “the "sentiments of the bulk of the French "nation were extremely averse" to "Napoleon.

By

MR. GRATTAN, that "the French 66 power had in other respects been Bonaparte had no

"diminished.

66 cavalry; he had no money; he had 66 no title, nor any credit. The people had never regreted his absence; on the contrary, they were over"joyed at it. Indeed, how could

a

they regret the man who had im66 posed on them a military yoke"who had taken their money by his own decrees--who had robbed them of their children by an arbitrary conscription? The people would "not rise in favour and support of conqueror who had proved "himself an oppressor of France. "On the contrary, they would be "glad to see the Allies triumph over "him, for they must clearly see, that "when the conqueror was removed "the oppressor would be removed "also. The first powers of Europe "had now united to remove the

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oppressor, and it would be ridicu• "lous to suppose that the French people would break their oaths pledged to a mild and merciful So❝vereign, for the purpose of saddling "themselves with the eternal damna "tion of a military despotism.".... .That, "his" (Napoleon's) power was at present tot"tering to the very base." By MR. PLUNKET, that "If we were to "tell the French people that we were "ready to negociate with Bonaparte 66 as their ruler, it would at once "destroy all the hopes that might (c now fairly be entertained of the cooperation of a considerable portion "of the nation. When, however,

66

we saw the situation in which Bo

"naparte now stood; when we saw "him reduced to make professions 66 contrary to his very nature; when 66 we saw the vessel in which his for"tunes were embarked labouring "with the storm, and its mast bowed "down to the water's edge, it would "be to the height of impolicy and absurdity to hesitate on the cause "that we had to pursue."-These are memorable words. By yourself, my Lord, that "The mili"tary force of ALL THE REST OF "EUROPE was combined against

"the HALF OF FRANCE." Hourra, hourra, Pat! Here we dash at the Jacobins, as we did at the Yunkies.

TO CORRESPONDENTS

IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

Botley, near Southampton, 7th June, 1815. I have received by post a single National Intelligencer of the 23d of April, and NILES'S WEEKLY REGISTER, of April 1st and Sth, 1815. They were under covers, and directed to "Botley, near London." It should have been "Botley, near Southampton." They were put into the post-office at Portsmouth, only 14 miles from Botley; but, having the word London upon them, they were sent on thither. I beg Mr. NILES and the person who sent me the Intelligencer, to accept of my best thanks. I am very highly flattered at perceiving, that a work VII. Of the Morality of the Subsi- precisely upon the model, and with the dies. Mr. PLUNKIT said, that "We had title of my own, should have been esta66 now a most powerful combination blished in America, and carried on already "of Allies, not fomented by us, but to the eighth volume.-I hope Mr. NILES 66 acting from the moral feeling which will continue sending me his Register. He 46 pervade all Europe. If we were shall have Cobbett's Register sent him as "foolish enough to throw away those regularly as possible.-I beg my Corresmeans, we could never hope to re-pondents to look at my Notices in the two "cal them. Those of his friends who last Numbers. "had talked the most about husban"ding the resources of the country, "had confessed, that when an occa❝sion should arrive, when some im66 portant blow could be struck

WM. COBBETT.

MODERN FORGERIES.

MR. COBBETT, The French Government invite the distinguished English at Paris to visit the archives, for the purpose of witnessing the base falsification of documents, made with a view to support the recent political arrangements of the Congress; and that such falsifications have taken place no discerning man in Europe can doubt. It is, however, unnecessary to go to Paris to witness the fraud of such falsifications; a similar manoeuvre having just been played off on the whole English nation, so barefacedly, that all may detect it, in an important document, lately laid officially before the House of Com your last Register. mons, a copy of which you inserted in

In the ENGLISH TRANSLATION of this document, M. de Caulaincourt, the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, who may be supposed to have written under the immediate eye of the Emperor, is made, in the official translation, to say, in speaking of Napoleon's recal to the throne of France, that His Majesty prides himself abore

16

expressible by the English words UNPRO-
FITABLE GREATNESS, or FRUITLESS GRAN-
DEUR, is insidiously and dishonestly per-
verted into the criminal passion of “ vain
ambition," to serve the purposes of cor-
ruption and craft, and to delude the very
numerous readers of this interesting State
Paper, who have not the opportunity to
compare it with the French original. Can
a "good cause" stand in need of such
despicable artifices?

I am, Sir, your constant reader,
WILLIAM MAYLAND.

To THE THINKING PEOPLE OF ENGLAND,
WHO DO NOT FORM THE ARISTOCRACY,
AND WHO ARE NOT OF THE WAR FAC

TION,

"all on the reflection, that he owes it en"tirely to the love of the French people, "and he has no other wish than to repay "such affections no longer by the trophies "of VAIN AMBITION, but by all the advantages of an honourable repose, and by all the blessings of a happy tran"quillity." Now, Sir, who would suppose, in reading this passage, but that the Emperor Napoleon, penetrated with compunction for his past errors, had been led to confess, through his Minister, that he had been heretofore stimulated by "vain ambition," the vice so currently attributed to him by the prostituted press of Eng- London, May 28, 1815. land? Their point in truth was thus accomplished. They had for years accused Bonaparte of disturbing the world by his ❝ vain ambition;" and here they give it under his own hand, or, which is the same thing, under the hand of his confidential Minister. Doubtless you and the public at large have been struck with this extraordinary confession, made in the face of a thousand facts, which give it the lie direct, it being most notorious to every one who has lived with his eyes open since the year 1799, that Bonaparte's career began by the restoration of a general peace, and has been uniformly marked by endeavours to remain at peace with all those who chose to be at peace with him; his overtures and solicitatious in favour of peace savouring of pusillanimity, and sometimes leading to war, by affording grounds for a charge of weakness on his part. I was led, therefore, to notice this passage in the French original, as presented to the Houses of Parliament, when, to my utter astonishment, I found nothing about vain ambition," or any sentiment which justified the use of this favourite phrase of our war faction! No man, Mr. Cobbett, understands the French language better than yourself; behold then the original phrase of M. de CAULAINCOURT's letter, "Sa Majesté s'ho66 nore sourtout de la de voir uniquement à l'amour du peuple Français, et elle forme plus qu'un désir, c'est de payer tant d'affection, non plus par des 66 trophées d'une trop infructuese gran"deur, mais par tous les avantages, d'un honorable repos, par tous les bienfaits "d'une heureuse tranquillité." Here, every person who understands French, or who is competent to consult a French dictionary, will find that a moral sentiment,

66

ne

MY FRIENDS.-It might be well for you to consider the terrific scene, which is pendant over your country, and over Europe. The moments are few, but they may yet serve for the public expression of popular opinion against a war with France, which your Regent and a large proportion of your Aristocracy has determined on. Consider how similar the occasion and commencement of this war is to that of the first one, which arose out of the French Revolution. It is the dread of the success and of the ultimate spread of that spirit, of that Revolution which has alarmed the feelings, and aroused the indignation of our trembling Aristocracy.-The expulsion of one dynasty, and the popular adoption of another; the extinction of old titles, the forfeiture of property, the dissolution of a powerful church establishment, the amelioration of the condition of the great mass of the people, who then became independent; these are too formidable objects to be viewed with com placency by those of this country, whom si milar events might place in similar situa tions. This is the dread, this causes the panic, and this, this only, is the reason why you are to be engaged in a war, of which no man can calculate the conclusion of the consequences. To make this war palatable, to make it appear necessary for your interest, the base hirelings of every description are using every species of deception and falsehood. One hour we are told, that Bonaparte can never take the