the authorities of the province especially menaced to prepare it for defense and to repair and fit out all the forts, until then dismantled and abandoned, and a bill was introduced in the House of Representatives authorizing the Executive to have a fortress immediately erected on the spot held to be the boundary between Venezuela and British Guiana, without indicating it.

The intense excitement of the public feeling already referred to did not fail to attract the notice of the English Government, who, foreseeing the possibility of hostile acts on the part of the Venezuelan authorities of Guiana, anticipated them by communicating to the lords commissioners of the admiralty the instructions they deemed convenient to transmit to the vice-admiral of Her Majesty's naval forces in the West Indies, to be carried out in case the aforesaid authorities should insist upon fortifying the territory in dispute between Great Britain and Venezuela. On the other hand, they authorized their chargé d'affaires at Caracas to deny the popular report attributing to Her Majesty's Government certain intentions, in every respect unfounded and contrary to the truth, and likewise to declare that, while his Government did not intend to occupy or encroach upon the territory in dispute, nor would order or sanction at any time such occupancy or encroachment by British authorities, they could not see with indifference the aggressions of Venezuela upon that territory.

They accordingly expected that the Venezuelan Government would make a similar declaration and would consent to send to their agents in Guiana positive orders to refrain from taking any steps that might justly be regarded as aggressive by the English authorities.

In reply Venezuela likewise manifested that she entertained no intention whatever to encroach upon or occupy any portion of the territory the possession of which was controverted by the two states, neither would she look with indifference upon a contrary proceeding on the part of Great Britain, and that, moreover, she would enjoin her authorities in Guiana to take no steps that might violate the obligation which that agreement imposed upon the Government.

Such was the status quo of the question in 1850.

In 1848 and 1849 Venezuela had just started on the path of internal disturbances and armed revolutions, which afflicted her during more than a quarter of a century, and prevented her from attending to the boundary question with Great Britain, no action either having been urged by the latter country during that period.

It was scarcely on two occasions, and perhaps only in a dissembling way, that Great Britain was seen to take any steps in regard to Venezuelan Guiana. I allude to the steps she took in 1857, through her chargé d'affaires at Caracas, intended to obtain a permission of the Executive, by virtue of which scientific expeditions composed of British subjects might visit the mining region of Venezuela, with the purpose not of infringing her rights but simply of ascertaining the situation and prospect of the gold deposits, and report about them.

The Government replied that they would admit without objection the announced expeditions, and would treat them with the benevolence due to their object, provided they entered through the capital of the province of Guiana. The other occasion occurred in 1874, when the English subject, Thomas Garret, suspected of homicide, was captured in Venezuelan territory by agents proceeding from Demerara. Venezuela demanded his delivery and obtained the suspension of the trial, though later on the case was taken up again by order of Her Britannic Majesty's Government, on the ground that, as asserted by the British resident

minister at Caracas, the arrest had been made in places claimed by both countries, and that it was improper that such places should serve as a refuge for criminals of either nationality, under protection of the agree ment of 1850, since nothing was more distant from the mind of his Government than to sanction any violation of the territorial rights of the Republic.

In 1876 new indications of a decided purpose to carry onward the discussion were evinced by the Venezuelan foreign department. Such may be considered the note, dated November of the same year, which it addressed to the British foreign office, and was subsequently communicated in form of memorandum, bearing the same date, to the Honorable Mr. Fish for the information of the Government of the United States; the appointment of Dr. José María Rojas as resident minister in London, and, finally, the President's message to Congress in 1877. Though Señor Rojas acted diligently from the outset to the effect of promoting the issue of the negotiations interrupted in 1844 by the death of Señor Fortique, he did not succeed any better than his prede

cessor.

The ground of strict right having been abandoned by mutual accord, Señor Rojas entered upon that of compromises, and suggested that Venezuela would willingly accept the Moroco line, which had been spontaneously offered by Lord Aberdeen thirty-seven years before. Lord Granville this time refused to concede it, without stating any reason for his refusal, and, after rejecting another line devised by the Venezuelan negotiator, proposed the following, which, in his opinion, was not very different:

The starting point will be a spot on the seashore, exactly 29 miles longitude, east of the right bank of the Barima River, whence the line would be carried south over the mountain or hill of Yarikita to the eighth degree parallel of latitude; thence westerly along this parallel till it crossed the boundary line drawn by Schomburgk; then to the Acarabisi and along this river until it entered the Cuyuni; along the left bank of the latter river up to its sources, and thence, in a southeastern direction to Schomburgk's line, as far as the Essequibo and Corentin rivers. That indicated by Mr. Rojas, referred to at the commencement of this paragraph, was to start from the coast, 1 mile north of the mouth of the Moroco, where a post would be planted; then run directly southward as far as the boundaries of both countries, along a vertical line beginning at the aforesaid post and extending between the fifty-ninth and sixtieth degree meridians, west of Greenwich.

Lord Granville, consequently, stood considerably apart from the minister of Venezuela, still more from Lord Aberdeen, his predecessor in 1844, and still more even from Señor Fortique, the opponent of Lord Aberdeen, who had advocated the historical line of the Essequibo River. Moreover, he made reference in various points to Schomburgk's uncertain and capricious demarcation; he did not comprehend in his proposal the whole extent of the frontier to be designated, and, above all, he conferred upon Great Britain, without any valuable reason, a vast tract in regard to which she appeared to have renounced her vague intentions through Lord Aberdeen. In consequence thereof the Government of Venezuela determined to refuse their assent to the proposal and to discontinue the interchange of projects of adjustment which so far had only succeeded in convincing them how difficult it was to conciliate the rights and interests of the antagonistic parties through direct negotiations between them.

Four years, from 1841 to 1844, had been wasted away by the Republic in fruitless attempts to bring about an understanding with her

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neighbor, while Dr. Rojas's mission, equally unsuccessful, had already lasted a longer period, from 1877 to 1881. The colony of Demerara, profiting by the interval between this mission and the previous one, had silently advanced its settlements on the Orinoco and Caroni, projected the opening of roads into Venezuela, sent expeditionists to the mining regions of the country, etc. And finally, at the close of 1880, while Dr. Rojas was still negotiating in London, the press of Ciudad Bolivar, the capital city of the State of Guiana, had reported the appearance of a man-of-war and merchant vessel, both British, at the mouth of the river Orinoco, provided with posts, wire, and other telegraphic articles.

Notice of the occurrence was given to the Government of the United States by Señor Simon Camacho, resident minister of Venezuela at Washington, in his note dated the 21st of December of the same year, 1880, to which the Honorable Mr. William M. Evarts returned the following answer on the 31st of January, 1881:

In reply I have to inform you that in view of the deep interest which the Government of the United States takes in all transactions tending to attempted encroachments of foreign powers upon the territory of any of the republics of this continent, this Government could not look with indifference to the forcible acquisition of such territory by England, if the mission of the vessels now at the mouth of the Orinoco should be found to be for that end. This Government awaits, therefore, with natural concern the more particular statement promised by the Government of Venezuela, which it hopes will not be long delayed.

On the 28th of February, 1881, when he was on the point to retire from office, the Honorable Mr. Evarts wrote:

Referring to your note of the 21st of December last, touching the operations of certain British war vessels in and near the mouth of the Orinoco River, and to my reply thereto of the 31st ultimo, as well as to the recent occasions in which the subject has been mentioned in our conferences concerning the business of your mission, I take it to be fitting now, at the close of my incumbency of the office I hold, to advert to the interest with which the Government of the United States can not fail to regard any such purpose with respect to the control of American territory as is stated to be contemplated by the Government of Great Britain, and to express my regret that the further information promised in your note with regard to such designs had not reached me in season to receive the attention which, notwithstanding the severe pressure of public business at the end of an administrative term, I should have taken pleasure in bestowing upon it. I doubt not, however, that your representations, in fulfillment of the awaited additional orders of your Government, will have like earnest and solicitous consideration at the hands of my successor.

The information announced by Mr. Camacho did not reach the Department until November, 1882, at which time Mr. Frederick T. Frelinghuysen was already Secretary of State. It contained, besides other documents, a copy of a "memorandum" by Mr. Seijas on the boundary question with British Guiana; a copy of the note, dated September 15, 1881, wherein Lord Granville communicated to Mr. Rojas his proposal above mentioned, and of the memorandum subjoined to it, and a copy of the minute of the negative response the Venezuelan Government intended to give to that note, resorting to arbitration as the only resource available in future for the satisfactory arrangement of the difference. The President of the Republic thus submitted the matter to the Government at Washington, "hoping that it would give him their opinion and advice, and soliciting such support as they esteemed possible to offer Venezuela in order that justice should be made to her." I beg to present an extract of Mr. Frelinghuysen's reply, as set forth in his dispatch dated January 31, 1883, to Mr. Jehu Baker, who was then the United States diplomatic representative at Caracas:

This Government has already expressed its view that arbitration of such disputes is a convenient resort in the case of failure to come to a mutual understanding, and

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intimated its willingness, if Venezuela should so desire, to propose to Great Britain such a mode of settlement. It is felt that the tender of good offices would not be so profitable if the United States were to approach Great Britain as the advocate of any prejudged solution in favor of Venezuela. So far as the United States can counsel and assist Venezuela it believes it best to confine its reply to the renewal of the suggestion of arbitration, and the offer of all its good offices in that direction. This suggestion is the more easily made, since it appears, from the instruction sent by Señor Seijas to the Venezuelan minister in London on the same 15th of July, 1882, that the President of Venezuela proposed to the British Government the submission of the dispute to arbitration by a third power.

You will take an early occasion to present the foregoing considerations to Señor Seijas, saying to him that, while trusting that the direct proposal for arbitration already made to Great Britain may bear good fruit (if, indeed, it has not already done so by its acceptance in principle), the Government of the United States will cheerfully lend any needful aid to press upon Great Britain in a friendly way the proposition so made, and at the same time you will say to Señor Seijas (in personal conference, and not with the formality of a written communication) that the United States, while advocating strongly the recourse of arbitration for the adjustment of international disputes affecting the States of America, does not seek to put itself forward as their arbiter; that, viewing all such questions impartially and with no intent or desire to prejudge their merits, the United States will not refuse its arbitration if asked by both parties, and that, regarding all such questions as essentially and distinctively American, the United States would always prefer to see such contentions adjusted through the arbitrament of an American rather than an European power.

The response of Venezuela to Lord Granville's proposal, adverted to by the Hon. Mr. Frelinghuysen, had not yet been sent to its destination nor could it be sent after the opinion of the United States was communicated, as Dr. José María Rojas had meanwhile retired from his post by resignation, and no one had been as yet nominated in his place. This, however, did not prevent the questions pending between Great Britain and Venezuela from becoming soon again the subjects of candid discussion, through the initiative of Great Britain. These questions were three, relating severally to boundaries, discriminating duties on merchandise imported from the West Indies, and pecuniary claims. Great Britain solicited that they should be treated and resolved conjointly, and thus brought on a long and amicable correspondence between her representative at Caracas and the department of foreign affairs, which was in proper time communicated to the Government of the United States, as also the appointment of Gen. Guzman Blanco, ex-President of the Republic, as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary near Her Britannic Majesty's Government.

The new diplomatic agent of Venezuela visited this city on his way to England, and held several conferences relating to the various objects of his mission with the honorable Secretary of State, by whom he was recommended to Mr. Lowell in a confidential note dated July 7, 1884, the two last paragraphs of which read as follows:

It will necessarily be somewhat within your discretion how far your good offices may be profitably employed with Her Majesty's Government to these ends, and at any rate you may take proper occasion to let Lord Granville know that we are not without concern as to whatever may affect the interests of a sister Republic of the American continent and its position in the family of nations.

If General Guzmán should apply to you for advice or assistance in realizing the purposes of his mission you will show him proper consideration, and without committing the United States to any determinate political solution you will endeavor to carry out the views of this instruction.

This time Venezuela could for a moment cherish the belief that she had reached the desired close of her boundary dispute, for, in spite of the adverseness of Great Britain to arbitration, as manifested beforehand by her resident minister at Caracas and now steadily maintained in London by Lord Granville, Gen. Guzmán Blanco had succeeded in obtaining his assent to sign a treaty of amity, commerce, and navig☛

tion, substituting that of 1825, wherein an article (XV) was admitted in the following terms:

If, as it is to be deprecated, there shall arise between the United States of Venezuela and the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland any difference which can not be adjusted by the usual means of friendly negotiation, the two contracting parties agree to submit the decision of all such differences to the arbitration of a third power, or of several powers in amity with both, without resorting to war, and that the result of such arbitration shall be binding upon both Governments. The arbitrating power or powers shall be selected by the two Governments by common consent, failing which, each of the parties shall nominate an arbitrating power, and the arbitrators thus appointed shall be requested to select another power to act as umpire.

The procedure of the arbitration shall in each case be determined by the contracting parties, failing which, the arbitrating power or powers shall be themselves entitled to determine it beforehand.

Lord Granville's acceptance, as given in his note to General Guzmán, dated the 15th of May, 1885, reads thus:

M. LE MINISTRE: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt, on the 12th instant, of your note dated the 6th instant, respecting the proposed new treaty between Great Britain and Venezuela.

In reply I have the honor to inform you that Her Majesty's Government agree to the substitution of the phrase "power," to be chosen by the high contracting parties, instead of "arbitrators," in the article respecting arbitration, and that they further agree that the undertaking to refer differences to arbitration shall include all differences which may arise between the high contracting parties, and not those only which arise on the interpretation of the treaty.

And in a subsequent note, dated June 18, 1885, he said:

M. LE MINISTRE. I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of the 8th instant, forwarding the draft of a new treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation between Great Britain and Venezuela, to replace the treaties of 1825 and 1834, founded on the text of the treaty recently concluded between Great Britain and Paraguay, and on correspondence that has passed between us.

The clause in italics at the end of Article XV would seem to render that article more explicit and to be useful for this purpose.

To which General Guzmán replied on the 22d of June, 1885:

MY LORD: I have had the honor of receiving your excellency's dispatch of the 18th, accompanying a copy in print of a draft treaty of friendship, commerce, and navigation between the United States of Venezuela and Great Britain, with certain corrections to which your excellency asks me to express my consent in order to avoid any misapprehensions.

I proceed accordingly to reply that I see no objection to adding to Article XV, "the award of the arbitrators shall be carried out as speedily as possible in cases where such award does not specifically lay down a date.'

Shortly after a change occurred in Her British Majesty's Government, by virtue of which Lord Salisbury entered upon the duties of chief secretary of state at the foreign office, and so it was incumbent on him to finish the negotiation that Lord Granville had left close to its conclusion.

On the 27th of July Lord Salisbury addressed a note to General Guzman, stating in regard to the clause on arbitration, which had already been accepted by Lord Granville, that—

Her Majesty's Government are unable to concur in the assent given by their predecessors in office to the general arbitration article proposed by Venezuela, and they are unable to agree to the inclusion in it of matters other than those arising out of the interpretation or alleged violation of this particular treaty. To engage to refer to arbitration all disputes and controversies whatsoever would be without precedent in the treaties made by Great Britain. Questions might arise, such as those involving the title of the British Crown to territory or other sovereign rights which Her Majesty's Government could not pledge themselves beforehand to refer to arbitration.