summer with a little squadron consisting of a ship of forty guns, the Alliance, another frigate of twenty, with some armed cutters, all under American colors, with congress commissions. He has sent in several prizes; has greatly alarmed the coast of Ireland and Scotland; and we just now hear, that going north about, he fell in with a number of ships from the Baltic, convoyed by a fifty gun ship and a twentyfour gun frigate, both of which he took after an obstinate engagement, and forced several of the others ashore. This news is believed, but we wait the confirmation and the particulars.

Since writing the above, I have received the following farther particulars of the action between Commodore Jones and the English men-of-war. The forty-four gun ship is new, having been but six months off the stocks; she is called the Serapis ; the other, of twenty guns, is the Countess of Scarborough. He had before taken a number of valuable prizes, particularly a rich ship bound to Quebec, which we suppose he may have sent to America. The English, from mistaken intelligence, imagining he had a body of troops with him to make descents, have had all their northern coasts alarmed, and have been put to very expensive movements of troops, B. FRANKLIN.

&c.

DEAR SIR,

TO DR. COOPER.

Passy, Oct. 27, 1779. You will see by the newspapers that we have given some disturbance to the British coasts this year. One little privateer out of Dunkirk, the Black Prince, with a congress commission, and a few Americans mixed with Irish and English smugglers,

VOL. II.

B

went round their islands, and took thirty-seven prizes in less than three months. The little squadron of Commodore Jones, under the same Commission and colors, has alarmed those coasts exceedingly, occasioned a good deal of internal expense, done great damage to their trade, and taken two frigates, with 400 prisoners. He is now with his principal prizes in Holland, where he is pretty well received, but must quit that neutral country as soon as his damages are repaired. The English watch with a superior force his coming out, but we hope he will manage so as to escape their vigilance. Few actions at sea have demonstrated such steady, cool, determined bravery as that of Jones in taking the Serapis.

There has been much rumor this summer throughout Europe, of an approaching peace, through the mediation of Russia and Holland: but it is understood to arise from the invention of stock-jobbers and others interested in propagating such opinions. England seems not to be yet sufficiently humbled to acknowledge the independence of the American states, or to treat with them on that footing; and our friends will not make peace on any other; so we shall probably see another campaign.

By the invoices I have seen and heard of, sent hither with congress interest bills of exchange to purchase the goods, it should seem that there is not so great a want of necessaries as of superfluities among our people. It is difficult to conceive that your distresses can be great, when one sees that much the greatest part of that money is lavished in modes, gewgaws, and tea! Is it impossible for us to become wiser, when by simple economy, and

avoiding unnecessary expenses, we might more than defray the charge of the war? We export solid provision of all kinds which is necessary for the sustenance of man, and we import fashions, luxuries, and trifles. Such trade may enrich the traders, but never the country.

The good-will of all Europe to our cause, as being the cause of liberty, which is the cause of mankind, still continues, as does the universal wish to see the English pride humiliated, and their power curtailed. Those circumstances are encouraging, and give hopes of a happy issue. Which may God grant, and that you, my friend, may live long a blessing to your country. I am, &c. B. FRANKLIN,

TO DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ. M.P.

DEAR FRIEND,

Passy, Feb. 2, 1780. I have long postponed answering your letter of the 29th June. A principal point in it on which you seemed to desire my opinion, was, the conduct you thought America ought to hold in case her allies should, from motives of ambition or resentment of former injuries, desire her to continue the war beyond what should be reasonable and consistent with her particular interests. As often as I took up your letter in order to answer it, this suggestion displeased me, and I laid it down again. I saw no occasion for discussing such a question at present, nor any good end it could serve to discuss it before the case should happen; and I saw inconveniences in discussing it. I wish therefore you had not mentioned it. For the rest, I am as much for peace as ever I was, and as heartily desirous of seeing the war ended as I was to prevent its beginning; of which your ministers know

I gave a strong proof before I left England, when, in order to an accommodation, I offered at my own. risk, without orders for so doing, and without knowing whether I should be owned in doing it, to pay the whole damage of destroying the tea at Boston, provided the acts made against that province were repealed. This offer was refused. I still think it would have been wise to have accepted it. If the congress have therefore entrusted to others rather than to me the negotiations for peace, when such shall be set on foot, as has been reported, it is perhaps because they may have heard of a very singular opinion of mine, that there hardly ever existed such a thing as a bad peace or a good war: and that I might therefore easily be induced to make improper concessions. But at the same time they and you may be assured, that I should think the destruction of our whole country, and the extirpation of our whole people, preferable to the infamy of abandoning our allies.

As neither you nor I are at present authorised to treat of peace, it seems to little purpose to make or consider propositions relating to it. I have had so many such put into my hands that I am tired of them. I will however give your proposal of a ten years' truce this answer-that though I think a solid peace made at once, à much better thing; yet if the truce is practicable and the peace not, I should be for agreeing to it. At least I see at present no sufficient reasons for refusing it, provided our allies approved of it. But this is merely a private opinion of mine, which perhaps may be changed by reasons that at present do not offer themselves. This, however, I am clear in, that withdrawing your troops will

To

be best for you, if you wish a cordial reconciliation, and that the truce should produce a peace. show that it was not done by compulsion, being required as a condition of the truce, they might be withdrawn beforehand, for various good reasons. But all this is idle chat, as I am persuaded that there is no disposition for peace on your side, and that this war will yet last many years. I know nothing and believe nothing of any terms offered unto Sir Henry Clinton.

The prisoners taken in the Serapis and Countess of Scarborough, being all treated for in Holland, and exchanged there, I hope Mr. Brown's son is now safe at home with his father. It grieved me that the exchange there, which you may remember I immediately proposed, was so long delayed. Much human misery might have been prevented by a prompt compliance. And so might a great deal by the execution of parole promises taken at sea; but since I see no regard is paid to them in England, I must give orders to our armed ships that cruise in Europe, to secure their prisoners as well as they can, and lodge them in French or Spanish prisons. I have written something on this affair to Mr. Hodgson, and sent to him the second passport for a cartel to Morlaix, supposing you to be out of town. The number of prisoners we have now in France is not easily ascertained. I suppose it exceeds 100; but you may be assured that the number which may be brought over by the two cartels shall be fully exchanged by adding to those taken by us, as many as will make up the complement out of those taken by the French, with whom we have an account since the exchange in Holland of those we carried in