much authentic information as possible. I have met with very confident assertions in this country, that the state of Virginia has passed an act to prohibit the payment of British debts. Mr. Jefferson told me that the act did not pass, at least so I understood him. I should be glad to know the certainty respecting this fact. Many and many things are asserted respecting the conduct of the states upon the claims of the loyalists. I wish to be informed generally of public facts in America. Much good towards conciliation might arise from such authentic general information. Some facts or other would meet the lie of the day. I should be very happy to hear now as soon as convenient from you and from Mr. Jefferson, for the purpose of comparing with the general summary which I am now drawing up. I understand that you are opening negotiations of commerce with all the courts of Europe: I presume among the rest with the Emperor, in case the Scheld should be opened. I presume it is the American trade which the Emperor has in view principally in contending for the opening of the Scheld. That is the new object and event which constitutes the main difference between shutting up the Scheld 140 years ago, and opening it now. The American trade was not meant to be precluded formerly, having at that time no existence. I came through Brussels and Antwerp in my way to England, and I heard at both places this doctrine of the American trade being an object for the Emperor. This was their way of reasoning upon it. One of the principal magistrates at Antwerp told me that he was actually in correspondence with Americans to come and settle at Antwerp in case the Scheld should be opened.

I hope you continue to enjoy good health. Pray remember me to Mr. Adams and all his family; to Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Humphreys; and to Mr. W. T. Franklin, and all friends.-I am ever, most affectionately yours, D. HARTLEY.

To Dr. Franklin, &c. &c. &c.

P.S. Is Mons. de Vergennes minister for foreign affairs? We have had a report here of his resignation.

TO DAVID HARTLEY, ESQ.

MY DEAR FRIEND,

Passy, Jan. 3, 1785.

I communicated your letter to Mr. Jefferson, to remind him of his promise to communicate to you the intelligence he might receive from America on the subjects you mention; and now, having got it back, I shall endeavor to answer the other parts of it.

What you propose to draw up of your opinions on American negotiation may be of great use, if laid, as you intend, before administration, in case they seriously intend to enter on it after the parliament: for I know your ideas all tend to a good understanding between the two countries and their common advantage; and in my mind too, all selfish projects of partial profit are the effects of short-sightedness, they never producing permanent benefits, and are at length the causes of discord and its consequences, wherein much more is spent than all the temporary gains amounted to..

I do not know that any one is yet appointed by your court to treat with us. We some time since acquainted your minister with our powers and disposition to treat, which he communicated to his court, and received for answer, that His Majesty's

ministers were ready to receive any propositions we might have to make for the common benefit of both countries; but they thought it more for the honor of both, that the treaty should not be in a third place. We answered, that though we did not see much inconvenience in treating here, we would, as soon as we had finished some affairs at present on our hands, wait upon them, if they pleased, in London. We have since heard nothing.

We have no late accounts from America of any importance. You know the Congress adjourned the beginning of June till the beginning of November; and since their meeting there has been no account of their proceedings. All the stories in your papers relating to their divisions, &c. are fiction, as well as those of the people being discontented with congressional government. Mr. Jay writes to me, that they were at no time more happy or more satisfied with their government, &c. than at present, nor ever enjoyed more tranquillity or prosperity. In truth, the freedom of their ports to all nations has brought in a vast plenty of foreign goods, and occasioned a demand for their produce; the consequence of which is the double advantage of buying what they consume cheap, and selling what they can spare dear.

If we should come to London, I hope it may still be with you that we are to do business. Our already understanding one another may save, on many points, a good deal of time in discussion. But I doubt whether any treaty is intended on your part, and I fancy we shall not press it. It may perhaps be best to give both sides time to inquire, and to feel for the interests they cannot see. With sincere and great

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esteem, I am ever, my dear friend, yours most affectionately, B. FRANKLIN.

TO THE HON. JOHN JAY, NEW YORK.

DEAR SIR,

Passy, Feb. 8, 1785. I received by the Marquis de la Fayette your kind letter of the 13th of December. It gave me pleasure on two other accounts, as it informed me of the public welfare, and that of your, I may almost say our dear little family; for since I had the pleasure of their being with me in the same house, I have ever felt a tender affection for them, equal I believe to that of most fathers. I did hope to have heard by the last packet of your having accepted the secretaryship of foreign affairs, but was disappointed. I write to you now therefore only as a private friend; yet I may mention respecting public affairs, that as far as I can perceive, the good disposition of this court towards us continues. I wish I could say as much for the rest of the European courts. I think that their desire of being connected with us by treaties is of late much abated; and this I suppose óccasioned by the pains Britain takes to represent us every where as distracted with divisions, discontented with our governments, the people unwilling to pay taxes, the Congress unable to collect them, and many desiring the restoration of the old government. The English papers are full of this stuff, and their ministers get it copied into the foreign papers. The moving about of the Congress from place to place has also a bad effect, in giving color to the reports of their being afraid of the people. I hope they will soon settle somewhere, and by the steadiness

and wisdom of their measures dissipate all those mists of misrepresentation raised by the remaining malice of ancient enemies, and establish our reputation for national justice and prudence as they have done for courage and perseverance.

It grieves me that we have not been able to discharge our first year's payment of interest to this court, due the beginning of last month. I hope it will be the only failure, and that effectual measures will be taken to be exactly punctual hereafter. "The good paymaster," says the proverb, "is lord of another man's purse." The bad one, if he ever has again occasion to borrow, must pay dearly for his carelessness and injustice.

You are happy in having got back safe to your country. I should be less unhappy, if I could imagine the delay of my congé useful to the states, or in the least degree necessary. But they have many equally capable of doing all I have to do here. The new-proposed treaties are the most important things; but two can go through them as well as three, if indeed any are likely to be completed, which I begin to doubt, since the new ones make little progress, and the old ones, which wanted only the fiat of Congress, seem now to be rather going backward; I mean those I had projected with Denmark and Portugal.

My grandsons are sensible of the honor of your remembrance, and present their respects to you and Mrs. Jay. I add my best wishes of health and happiness to you all, being with sincere esteem and affection, dear Sir, your most obedient humble servant, B. FRANKLIN.